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Post date: 08.01.03
Since the joint
congressional committee
investigating September 11 issued a censored version of its report on
July 24, there's been considerable speculation about the 28 pages
blanked out from the section entitled "Certain Sensitive National
Security Matters." The section cites "specific sources of foreign
support for some of the September 11 hijackers," which most
commentators have interpreted to mean Saudi contributions to Al
Qaeda-linked charities. But an official who has read the report tells The New Republic
that the support described in the report goes well beyond that: It
involves connections between the hijacking plot and the very top levels
of the Saudi royal family. "There's a lot more in the 28 pages than
money. Everyone's chasing the charities," says this official. "They
should be chasing direct links to high levels of the Saudi government.
We're not talking about rogue elements. We're talking about a
coordinated network that reaches right from the hijackers to multiple
places in the Saudi government."
This week, Saudi Foreign
Minister Saud Al
Faisal flew to Washington for a hastily convened meeting with President
Bush. Faisal publicly demanded that the 28 pages be declassified, but
he had to have known in advance, and welcomed the fact, that his
request would be denied--ostensibly friendly nations don't normally
send their foreign ministers to meetings halfway around the world to be
surprised. For his part, Bush has insisted that revealing the 28 pages
would compromise "sources and methods that would make it harder for us
to win the war on terror." But the chairman and vice-chairman of the
Senate Intelligence Committee at the time of the joint inquiry, Florida
Democrat Bob Graham and Alabama Republican Richard Shelby, rejected
that argument, contending that perhaps only 5 percent of the 28 pages
would compromise national security if made public. Graham and Shelby
are leading a drive in Congress to force the government to declassify
the documents. While the new chairman and vice-chairman of the
committee, Kansas Republican and Bush loyalist Pat Roberts and West
Virginia Democrat Jay Rockefeller, have yet to endorse Graham and
Shelby's request, Kansas Republican Sam Brownback and New York Senator
Charles Schumer have begun gathering signatures demanding
declassification.
The Bush administration
has,
of course,
good reason for not wanting to ruffle the Saudis by declassifying the
28 pages. Saudi Arabia sits atop 25 percent of the world's proven oil
reserves and, through its dominant position in OPEC,
essentially controls the global energy market. In addition to
stabilizing world oil prices--most recently during the run-up to the
war with Iraq--the Saudis also directly subsidize American consumers by
offering oil at lower prices to the United States. In a 2002 article
for Foreign Affairs, petroleum experts Edward Morse and James
Richard estimated the subsidy at $620 million a year. It's probably
much larger now, given recent trends in oil prices and the volume of
oil imports. A serious conflict with the Saudis could not only disrupt
an already turbulent Middle East, but could halt the economic recovery
here and perhaps even precipitate a global downturn.
The Bush administration
has
insisted,
again and again, that the war on terror is its first priority. In
testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Deputy Secretary
of Defense Paul Wolfowitz argued, "The battle to secure the peace in
Iraq is now the central battle in the global war on terror." Wolfowitz
says this presumably because he still believes that Saddam Hussein's
regime had close ties with Al Qaeda. But it's looking more and more
like the principal theater in the war on terror lies elsewhere. The
official who read the 28 pages tells The New
Republic,
"If the people in the administration trying to link Iraq to Al Qaeda
had one-one-thousandth of the stuff that the 28 pages has linking a
foreign government to Al Qaeda, they would have been in good shape." He
adds: "If the 28 pages were to be made public, I have no question that
the entire relationship with Saudi Arabia would change overnight."
John B. Judis
is a senior editor at TNR. Spencer Ackerman
is an assistant editor at TNR.
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