"I think there is no real
argument that the historical lesson for the
United States in the 20th Century has been
the need for continued strong American
involvement. I'm one of those individuals
who is looking at the emerging debate as to
the direction of American foreign policy,
and I'm thinking about three writers in
particular: Bill Kristol and Robert Kagan's
article called for continued American
benevolent hegemony as the pole star of
American policy - this is the article in
Foreign Affairs magazine setting forth a
Republican foreign policy on the one hand,
and Richard Haass' latest work analyzing the
various strands in the foreign policy
debate, dismissing the hegemony call, and
arguing for the sheriff, the tough sheriff
on the beat. Parenthetically, there is a bit
of confusion there, because I think he's
actually calling for hegemony, and I asked
him the question why he dismissed the
hegemony argument so readily, and I wasn't
particularly convinced by his answer."
The US maintains to this day over a dozen
direct dependencies, the largest of which is
Puerto Rico. Its military forces are active
over most of the globe: at last audit about
226 countries have US military troops, 63 of
which host American bases, while only 46
countries in the world have no US military
presence - a projection
of military power that makes the
Roman, British, and Soviet empires pale in
comparison. The bulk of this document will
deal with what is alternatively referred to
as "neo-colonialism", "hegemony", "proxy
rule", or "informal empire": roughly, a
system of "dual elite" political rule, in
which domestic elites (the proxy) recieve
backing from (are dependent on - to varying
degrees) a foreign elite, and in return
protect (to varying degrees) the foreign
power's interests in the country (security,
economic, or domestic political interests).
This is, at least, the framework within
which I use the terms - as it is generally
accepted by students of history. To take an
explanation cited by Ariel
Cohen as "One of the more successful
attempts made to create a coherent theory of
empires" in Russian
Imperialism:
"Empire is a relationship,
formal or informal, in which one state
controls the effective political
sovereignty of another political society.
It can be achieved by force, by political
collaboration, by economic, social, or
cultural dependence. Imperialism is simply
the process or policy of establishing or
maintaining an empire."
--Michael Doyle, Empires
As a point of reference formal American
imperialism begins (or not - one would have
to completely ignore the genocide
of the native population, African and
Native-American slavery, rapid and
continuous expansion of the national borders
through war, rapid and continuous expansion
of mercantilism through war and the
threat of war, the ethnic
cleansing of indigenous peoples, the
mid 1800s mercantilist state established in
Nicaragua, 100
uninhabited islands of bat shit, etc.)
with the aquisition of Cuba, Puerto Rico,
Guam and the
Phillipines after the Spanish-American
War of 1898. It's a good point to remember how that war started:
part hoax, part sensationalized, war
mongering "journalism", and of course much
talk about the brutality of the enemy and
the necessity of our intervention on behalf
of the suffering - in this case on behalf of
the Cubans and their savage treatment at the
hands of the tyrannical Spaniards: much
better for them to suffer at our hands.
For the sake of what has become a very very
poor attempt at brevity, or in recognition
of the precedent set by the Nuremberg
Tribunal and principles laid out under the UN charter,
these notes will mostly focus on post-WWII
history - though it would seem imperative to
include interventions that fly in the face
of the popular misconception that the United
States ended its imperial project at the end
of the Spanish-American war. There were
military involvements during the 1890s by
the United States Government ("USG"
hereafter: it's not like it's your or
somebody else's fault -- it's an institution
with its own prerogatives which rarely
accord with those it preposterously claims
to represent) in Argentina, Chile, Haiti,
Hawaii, Nicaragua, China, Korea, Panama,
Samoa, in extremely brutal labour
conflicts within the nation, and
something akin to a war on working Americans
waged
by the National Association of
Manufacturers that will otherwise go
undiscussed. The Phillipines makes a decent
representative
example of the US' first official exercise
in colonial
imperialism and formal
empire [*],
also referred to as "civilizational
imperialism" - a project we're
presently repeating.
"Lest this seem to be the bellicose
pipedream of some dyspeptic desk soldier,
let us remember that the military deal of
our country has never been defensive
warfare. Since the Revolution, only the
United Kingdom has beaten our record for
square miles of territory acquired by
military conquest. Our exploits against
the American Indian, against the
Filipinos, the Mexicans, and against Spain
are on a par with the campaigns of Genghis
Khan, the Japanese in Manchuria and the
African attack of Mussolini. No country
has ever declared war on us before we
first obliged them with that gesture. Our
whole history shows we have never fought a
defensive war. And at the rate our armed
forces are being implemented at present,
the odds are against our fighting one in
the near future."
U.S. Brig. Gen. Jacob H.
Smith: "I want no prisoners. I wish
you to kill and burn, the more you kill and
burn the better you will please me. I want
all persons killed who are capable of
bearing arms in actual hostilities against
the United States." Major Littleton W. T. Waller: How
young? Smith: Ten years and up.
--Exchange on October
1901, quote from the testimony at
Smith's court martial by the New York
Evening Journal (May 5, 1902).
General Smith, a veteran of the Wounded
Knee massacre, was popularly known as "Hell
Roaring Jake" or "Howling
Wilderness".
The "Benevolent
Assimilation Proclamation" of the
McKinley presidency in 1899 annouced
America's intention to be the benevolent
dictator over various foreign nations that
just happened to all be filled with
ruthless, pagan savages.
In a savage
conflict America repressed the
Filipino independence movement. As in most
cases of massacre on the part of the US the
number of casualties remains a matter of
debate; in this instance 5,000 (of some
120,000 involved) Americans killed with
additional casualties later due to disease
contracted in the Phillipines, but anywhere
between 16,000-20,000 Filipino soldiers and
200,000-600,000 civilian Filipino deaths
resulted due to the war, war induced famine,
disease, and multiple atrocities, but one
would be mistaken to describe the conflict
as characterized
by brutality. The US continued
occupying the Phillipines for another 48
years.
In 1904 the USG takes control of Dominican
customs houses by force to collect on
international debts, shortly thereafter
signing a treaty, with the DR essentially at
gun point, ratifying the debt relationship.
Between 1916 and 1924 the US occupies
and rules the Dominican Republic.
Shortly thereafter General
Rafael Trujillo takes control of the
country with the National Guard that was
created and put under his control by the USG
before its exit. During the 30s Trujillo
wiped out some 30,000 Dominicans and
Haitians in an effort to make his side of
the island 'more white'. Trujillo recieved
US backing until the mid 1950s, when he was
finally placed under economic sanctions for
attempting to assassinate the president of
Venezuela. A few years later the USG began supporting
the conservative opposition to
overthrow him, successfully assassinating
him in 1961, out of fear that the liberal
Constitutionalist opposition would get to it
first. Trujillo's son Ramfi was escorted out
of the country by the US military.
In 1963 USG-backed militants remove the
recently elected president of the Dominican
Republic, Juan Bosch - a centrist liberal -
to "prevent another Cuba". Two years later
Lyndon Johnson sent 22,000 US Marines to
land on the island and take control of the
country for 17 months after falling sugar
prices and political conflict stirred an
uprising against the new regime of Donald
Reid Cabral. The Marines assist in
supressing the rebellion, killing over 4,000
Dominicans and solidifying conservative
control over the country, leading to the
reinstatement of Trujillo-frontman turned
Washington-frontman Joaquin Balaguer, who
dragged the country into a nightmare of
political violence, electoral fraud, and
death squad activity that, by and large,
eliminated any possible political opposition
to the regime - minus one or two times when
Balaguer's masters in Washington yanked his
leash for the cameras. The USG continued
lavishing military support onto the regime
throughout the waves of terror.
A sort of defacto American colonial holding during
the mid 19th century - per the East
India Company model of a private corporation
taking control of a foreign nation with state
assistance - US Marines occupy Nicaragua from
1912 to 1933.
In 1927 US Marines enter into a protacted
struggle with the guerilla forces of Augusto
Sandino, eventually suffering their
first defeat against a third world
insurgency.
Afterwards, the USG arms, trains, and
otherwise props up the barbarous, nepotistic
Somoza dictatorship and the National Guard,
which holds on to dictatorial power until
the Sandinista revolution of 1979.
399 african american sharecroppers are denied
treatment for syphilis as part of a US
government medical study in 1932. Exposed by
the press in 1972, the government finally
shuts down the program over 30 years after a cure was
discovered.
The Federal Housing Administration - a mortage
insurance program that helped millions of
American families to develop their own
property, accumulate capital, and lift them
into the middle-class - became an effective
state-mandated ghettoization
program under blankly racist standards that
prevented black neighborhoods and families
from recieving the development assistance that
their taxes otherwise helped pay for.
Likewise, housing deeds included 'restrictive
covenants' that prohibited blacks from
occupying homes in white neighborhoods, until
a 1948 Supreme Court ruling was implemented in
1950 that ruled such contracts
unconsistutional. Similar policies excluded
most black workers from Social Security
coverage and agricultural assistance programs.
These policies re-inforced the status
quo on the ground - the racist
municipal and business practices of the
dominate culture - lifting white America
further above its black counterpart while
encouraging urban decay and racial
segregation. In terms of home ownership the
gap between white and black home ownership jumped
by 5.5% during the life of the program
and left cities highly polarized between
underdeveloped inner-city black
neighborhoods and highly developed white
suburbs. The black home ownership rate
doesn't reach the white rate of 1900 until
1970. Fair housing legislation was passed in
1968 but subsequent court rulings show that
individual acts of similar discrimination
continued well into the present.
--President Johnson to Greek Ambassador,
Alexander Matsas, June 1964.
The USG creates the Greek secret police (KYP) and backs
military coups in 1949, 1967
and 1973.
Dictatorships ruled with US backing during
the periods of 1949-1952 and 1967-1974.
Under the ostensible rubric of defending
Greece from Soviet aggression the US takes
over British efforts to destroy the Greek
left, establishing a brutal rightwing
dictatorship. Since the original
intervention of the Truman
Doctrine the USG continued attacking
Greece, overthrowing the elected government
twice more when Greeks had the terminity to
elect governments without Washington's
approval.
One apology for this brand of imperialistic
hubris is that the 1948 Soviet intervention
in Czechoslovakia fueled fears in the US
government of various nefarious Soviet plots
seen and unseen, demanding action. We defer
to the US government as to the reality of
such fears:
The Soviet crackdown on
Czechoslovakia in 1948 therefore flowed
logically from the inauguration of the
Marshall Plan program, and was
confidently predicted by United States
government observers six months in
advance of the event.
It is clear from the above that the
sudden consolidation of Communist power
in Czechoslovakia in 1948 was not a sign
of any "new Soviet aggressiveness" and
had nothing to do with any Soviet
decision to launch its military forces
against the West.
Whether US leaders believed their own
delusions about the Kremlin or not, it's
difficult to lend such pretentions much
credit by the time of 1967 coup. As Kennan
comments in the Moscow Embassy report, "The
attempt to portray the outside world as
menacing, whether or nor it actually was so
at any given moment, has been part of the
stock in trade of Soviet rule." He does not
shrink from making the same observation
about the West.
But perhaps the easiest question to answer
is whether a defense against Communist
dictatorships required uncritical moral,
political and material support for
proto-fascist dictatorships - a highly
dubious assumption, and an expensive one in
this instance, costing some 150,000 lives.
Alternatively one could - for instance - try
promoting democracy and human rights.
With their capacity to defend themselves in
part defining them as the "second
world" the USSR and communist China
benefit from little direct Western
intervention in the post-war period. Mao, like
other Communist leaders, was a close ally
during the WWII, and was more effective in
organizing resistance to the Japanese Empire
than Chiang
Kai-Shek because - to paint with a broad
brush - Marxist euphimisms played better with
peasant serfs long
repressed by Chiang's army than
reactionary feudal-nationalist doctrines.
During the post-war assemblage of the
United Nations China was officially
inducted, but the USG officially recognized
Kai-Shek's exiled dictatorship in Taiwan as
the legitemate government of China (US
sponsorship of Kai-Shek lasted for decades,
and it was he who cast China's vote in favor
of the Korean war on the United Nations
Security Council), as compared to Mao's
insane dictatorship in China. By at least
one count Kai-Shek's US-supported efforts to
remain in power cost
some 18 million lives, on par with
Mao's campaigns to retain power after the
revolution, excluding the horrendous famines
he unknowingly presided over.
In an attempt to discredit Mao's China the
US funnels covert economic aid and directs
reforms in Taiwan, working with Kai-Shek's
son Chiang Ching-kuo, instituting land
reform and providing guidance in modern
farming techniques and technology while
heralding it as an example of the "free
market". The successful development program,
which lasted for about ten years, was then
used as propaganda, absurdly, for market
liberalization elsewhere in the third world
- though the US continued to overthrow
governments that attempted to institute
similar land reforms, as they were
indicative of "Communist sympathies" and
"Soviet direction".
Amid this diplomatic rivalry between Taiwan
and China the US and China were vying over
Tibet, with the Chinese-incited Marxist
rebellion stirring under the Tibetian
aristocratic religious order and the CIA
organizing and funding counter-revolutionary
groups to compete with competing Red groups,
having no
better idea to sell, let alone any
idea how to intervene productively in the
madness swallowing China and, through it,
Tibet. It doesn't seem unlikely that the USG
would have happily supported the 1950
invasion of Tibet had Chinese Nationalists -
who had already made failed efforts to
re-aquire Tibet - won the civil war.
No stone among the remaining empires to be
left unturned or uncontested. So it goes.
Two perspectives on Tibet: Chinese
dissident Wang
Lixiong, and a response by Tibetan
historian Tsering
Shakya.
--Ambassador John J. Muccio to Assistant
Secretary of State Dean Rusk.
The USG, with Japanese and South Korean
collaborators (under Syngman Rhee - a
Korean-American chosen
by Chiang Kai Shek to preside over South
Korea - curtesy Washington DC), slaughtered
one third of the population of Cheju
Island in anti-communist purges during the
occupation of South Korea from 1945 to 1949.
The repression of the population by US, ROK,
and Japanese forces purged anywhere between
100,000 and 800,000 'suspected leftists' in
the civillian population.
Among other things the anti-communist
policy of the USG and the cooperation
against the formation of an independent,
unified Korea by both Soviets and Americans
lead to the North Korean invasion on June
25th, 1950. During the war the USG deliberately
targetted civillians caught in the war
path, and with some 4 million casualties
between all players in the war well over
half were civillian
casualties.
After the war the anti-Communist doctrine
of the USG and Taiwanese governments lead to
forced
"voluntary" repatriation, where
Chinese POWs were terrorized and tortured if
they volunteered to be repatriated to China
to rejoin their families and loved ones.
"Furthermore, we have about 50% of the
world's wealth but only 6.3% of its
population. This disparity is particularly
great as between ourselves and the peoples
of Asia. In this situation, we cannot fail
to be the object of envy and resentment.
Our real task in the coming period is to
devise a pattern of relationships which
will permit us to maintain this position
of disparity without positive detriment to
our national security. To do so, we will
have to dispense with all sentimentality
and day-dreaming; and our attention will
have to be concentrated everywhere on our
immediate national objectives. We need not
deceive ourselves that we can afford today
the luxury of altruism and
world-benefaction. ...
In the face of this situation we
would be better off to dispense now with
a number of the concepts which have
underlined our thinking with regard to
the Far East. We should dispense with
the aspiration to 'be liked' or to be
regarded as the repository of a
high-minded international altruism. We
should stop putting ourselves in the
position of being our brothers' keeper
and refrain from offering moral and
ideological advice. We should cease to
talk about vague, and for the Far East,
unreal objectives such as human rights,
the raising of the living standards, and
democratization. The day is not far off
when we are going to have to deal in
straight power concepts. The less we are
then hampered by idealistic slogans, the
better."
The historical record suggests that Kennan
- for all his somewhat more sound advice on
East Asia: the warning of overextension and
admittal of US political failure (meaning
the simple inability to offer an alternative
to Communism that had any popular appeal,
despite the existence of numerous
alternatives that would undermine Soviet
influence but not, per the stated goal,
maintain economic disparities) - was largely
ignored except on this particular point, as
"our unsound commitments" to China continued
in Taiwan for many decades. At least until
1979 when the Chinese government was finally
formally recognized and given - in what I
suppose would be considered sound commitment
- backing in the Chinese invasion of
Vietnam. The USG has continued "interfering
in the internal affairs" of the Phillipines
up to the present by propping up one
cooperative despot after another, and
directly assisting in the repression of
internal rebellions. Nevermind that the US
more than overstretched itself in Vietnam.
The USG did, however, manage dealing in
"straight power concepts" to a surreal and
terrible degree, and has had little
discernable trouble maintaining its
"position of disparity". That's such a
strange phrase. I would have thought the
objective would have been expanding American
prosperity, even if it was, as you might
imagine it would necessarily be, to the
benefit of others.
1945-1994: Vietnam:
"Remember! Only you can prevent forests."
"nobody ever told us they were human"
--Lt. Calley, My Lai hearings. 'Calley
Pleads for Understanding', New York
Times, March 31, p. 1
We might begin with the CIA's
orchestration in 1952 of a dramatic
terrorist bombing in the center of Saigon
that was blamed on communist forces to
stir American rage against Agent
19, creating political support for the
US to become the primary financer of the
French war in Indochina until the US takes
the entire project over in 1961, when
Kennedy sends in the first US ground
advisers, who almost immediately begin
taking over the fighting for a corrupt Diem
regime. Similar incidents, such as the Gulf
of Tonkin, are repeated to generate support
for ramping up the scale of American
intervention.
In a campaign that is probably best
described as institutionalized genocide some
1 million Vietnamese combatants and
2-4,000,000 South East Asian civillians (DRV
statistics, including Laos and Cambodia)
were killed during this US stage of the war
(estimated anywhere between 10-20% of the
population), with over half the Vietnamese
casualties inflicted in South Vietnam, the
ostensible protectorate of the United
States. Likewise the US managed to kill some
17,000 US troops - one third of all US
casualties were reportedly caused
by American-deployed landmines and
unexploded cluster ordinace.
The CIA's Phoenix
program lead to the extra-judicial
assassinations of some 20-40,000 civillians
alone - or "suspected Communists", nevermind
the hundreds of thousands that were
subjected to brutal interrogations and
internment in American re-education camps.
Military intelligence programs differed
little in their essential brutality,
including torture by field
telephone. In violation of
international law, among other things, the
US utilized chemical
warfare (sarin per
operation Tailwind is largely
discredited, VX
perhaps remains a possibility, and
massive amounts of toxins - the carcinogen
Agent Orange comes to mind - were dumped
into the Vietnamese ecosystem, defoliating vast swathes of the
country) and scorched
earth policies which afflicted not
only US and Vietnamese soliders, the former
of whom were awarded damages for the
exposure, but caused massive civilian
casualties and harm that continue to this
day, as unexploded ordance and damage to the
gene pool caused by chemical agents take
their slow toll:
The Vietnamese government
estimates 500,000 children have been born
with birth defects caused by contamination
with Agent Orange and two million suffered
cancers and other ill effects - innocent
victims of a chemical intended to harm plant
life, not humans. But unlike the American
soldiers who sprayed the defoliant, they
have never received compensation.
--The Independent, "Agent Orange:
the legacy of a weapon of mass
destruction", 4/3/2006.
The main thrust of this violence was
directed towards South Vietnam, who we were
purportedly there to protect, or whatever it
is we were purpotedly doing; protecting
America from Vietnam, I suppose, against
their plan to sail over in rafts and crush
us with sheer numbers. To have Michael
Lind tell it I'm supposed to believe
that the NLF's refusal to surrender makes
them responsible for the victims of US
invasion. So far as Soviet involvement is
concerned Ilya Gaiduk argues
that Russia was partly responsible for the
war due to their lack of actual
involvement, however that works. US
involvement in Vietnam increased
neighboring alliances with the Soviets
and forced the Vietnamese into a position of
dependency on China and the USSR (they had,
after WWII, sought alliances and support
from the US to preserve their independence
from the French and the Chinese - the latter
position eventually lead to their alliances
with the Soviets). The Sino-Soviet
split in 1960 resulted in China
becoming a US ally after the end of the war
in 1975, at which point Vietnam turned even
further to the Soviets for support against
China's history of hegemony over the region.
The US paid for the French campaign between
1945 to 1954 before taking it over directly,
beginning a US phase in the Vietnam wars
that lasted until 1975. After the end of
direct US involvement in Vietnam the US continued
waging the conflict for almost two decades
afterward. In 1979 China
invaded Vietnam with US backing when
the USG deployed the carrier Constellation
to the Gulf of Tonkin to deter a Soviet
response, and gave diplomatic and political
backing for the Chinese action - to "teach
the ex-colony a lesson" for deposing
the pro-Chinese, genocidal Khmer Rouge
regime in Cambodia. During the invasion the
Chinese destroyed the dikes and canals that
were the fundamental basis of agrarian
production in Vietnam, and with them much of
the country's rice reserves, inducing food
shortages exacerbated at the same time by
the US-led blockade on the country that,
incidentally, lasted until 1994.
In 1986 Nguyen Van Linh, former leader of
the NLF, took control of Vietnam's communist
party and persued market policies and
attempted to re-integrated Vietnam into the
global economy. The latter was prevented by
successive administrations, which continued
the embargo and blocked Western access to -
to quote
Eisenhower - "the specific value of a
locality in its production of materials that
the world needs": tin, tungsten, rubber
plantations, "and so on".
This curious justification for the war was
self-fulfilling: when a population elected a
communist (Ho Chi Mihn) with 90% of the vote
(an early result that was never called into
question) who was extremely friendly towards
- and a former operative of - the US, the
response was to wage an invasion until,
against impossible odds, the population
expelled the invader. After the war, which
was - by Eisenhower's own lame admission -
in part to secure access to raw materials,
the response of the invaders was to turn
around and block access to those materials
with no discernable, rational goal (to
"teach Vietnam a lesson"?) for 25 years. The
pathology of blind anti-Communism prevented
a Western response that quite easily could
have curbed a Communist regime's worst
excesses and defects by working with a
country and its elected leaders that were
considerably pro-American, and surprisingly
still are.
To prevent Communist atrocities - as the
justification for the war was argued even as
it was waged - was clearly no long term
committment. During the normalization
process of the early 1990s the
subject of human rights was conspiciously
absent, as before and as after. The
familiar justifications of spreading humane
values such as liberty, justice, and life
with military force were entirely absent
from post-war relations, when they might
have been persued in a nonviolent manner.
Thusly there is the generally acknowledged
fact that "In
the years since we lost the war, we have
won it." In consideration that the
French had already bailed on the war as a
hopeless enterprise in the mid 50s, that the
British told Washington in 1954 that "None
of us in London believe that intervention in
Indonchina can do anything" (Eden to Dulles,
April 25th, refusing Eisenhower's request
for British support of the US-French war)
and made
further efforts to end the war in 1967.
Our allies were by and large opposed
to the war. The only realistic
conclusion is that the war, the deaths of
millions upon millions of innocents and the
ensuing rise of repressive security states
throughout the region due to meaningless
destructive games amongst imperial powers,
was never in any way justified.
Whoever can sort out the logic behind this
insanity wins a cookie.
The US never
paid reparations to Vietnam - let
alone Cambodia or Laos - although the Paris
Agreement Nixon signed in 1973 specified in
Article 21 $3.3 billion in reconstruction
aid for the DRV. As Gabriel Kolko described
the post-war relationship in 1982:
To state ... that Vietnam wishes
to be dependent on Soviet aid ignores
entirely its intensive efforts during
1976-1978 to establish economic ties with
the West via loans, aid, and investments -
efforts it has not abandoned. Its present
dependence on the USSR is the consequence of
a conscious US and Chinese policy which
Assistant Secretary of State John H.
Holdridge summed up last June 8: "It is
important to keep the Vietnamese isolated
politically and economically, and there is
agreement on that score."
Agent
19 has yet to receive commendations
from the US for his resistance against the
Japanese during World War II.
"About the war in Vietnam, all I have to
say is [...inaudible...] and that's all I
have to say about the war in Vietnam."
After taking control of the Phillipines during
WWII the US disarms the largest Filipino
anti-Japanese guerilla movement, the
Hukbalahap, and installs Manuel Roxas, a
Japanese collaborator that General MacArthur
pardoned, to run the new government. Roxas'
government issues an amnesty for
collaborators, bans peasant political
organizing, refuses to seat opposition
congressmen, and directs a campaign of
repression throughout the country.
Formal independence is granted to the
Phillipines shortly thereafter, with
provisions for a large and perpetual
American military presence and special
privelidges for American business. Roxa's
failed policies, however, lead to the
resurgence of the Huk movement.
Roxas and his successor Quirino continue
those same policies, using US aid primarily
to enrich themselves and
wage US supported violence to suppress
the Huks. The USG begins supporting Ramon
Magsaysay by 1950, who, assisted to power by
American Colonel Lansdale, manages to use
large quantities of economic aid and
political reforms, including land
reform, to undermine the primary
grievances of the Huk movement, which
eventually subsides.
However, Magsaysay and his successors fail
to implement long term reforms that could
resolve the country's problems and extreme
poverty, leading later to further popular
unrest, a new insurgency, and another US
supported strongman and kleptocrat by the
name of Ferdinand
Marcos.
Nuclear testing during Operations Crossroads,
Sandstone, Greenhouse, Ivy, Castle, Redwing,
and Hardtack involved over 60 known atomic and
hydrogen bomb tests at Enewetak and Bikini.
The testing involved USG imposed exile for
thousands of islanders to neighboring atolls,
hundreds of whom suffered from radiation
poisoning and other exposure related diseases,
and dozens committed suicide admidst the
derilect conditions of their displacement. The
USG could have decided to do anything to avoid
this constant string of fiascos at little
relative expense (how's an army-engineered
ocean-side community in SoCal on a cushy
government stipend sound, while we nuke your
motherland?): it chose to do nothing.
Also affected by radiation poisoning were
Japanese fishermen on a boat called
the Lucky Dragon - in part inspiring the
Non-Proliferation Treaty between the US and
the Soviet Union six years later - and a
number of US military personel.
The IEER
has apparently
estimated the excess deaths from atmospheric
testing on all sides and related fallout
between 1940-2000 to be 430,000.
General Li Mi retreats with his army of
Chinese nationalists into Burma during the
Chinese civil war. The US, supporting
retreating KMT forces elsewhere, also backs Li
Mi's army, which continues to make incursions
into China for over a decade.
The Congressional Pike Report, as leaked
uncensored to the Village Voice and
thusly abandoned by the House in embarassment
(the Church
Committee was the parallel intelligence
review in the Senate), revealed that the since
1948 the USG spent over $65 million dollars
(including some Marshall
Plan aid) interfering in Italian
elections, joining
Moscow in support of European
anti-communism, by way of neo-fascists and
known terrorists.
According to Tim Weiner [Legacy of
Ashes, p.298] "every Christian
Democrat who ever won a national election in
Italy" was backed by the CIA.
Interference in Italy included buying
every election from 1948 to 1972 and destroying [search
for "Federico Romero", also discussed here]
the anti-fascist
resistance that had organized powerful
unions and worker committees in its fight
against Germany, coming to dominate northern
Italy shortly after WWII, threatening the
old order, and so the USG reaction.
Anti-left violence continued
well beyond world war two, into the
70s, with CIA backing for the Gladio[*].
Gladio operations were formed throughout
Western Europe, for example in Norway
(exposed in '78 when an associated arms
cache was discovered), which included the
operation to track suspected communists as
part of the intelligence service.
Similar actions were taken against
anti-nazi resistance groups in other liberated
territories, for example in Germany,
where an average of $6 million was spent
supporting the Nazi intelligence network of
General Reinhard Gehlen until he was
replaced by the CIA in 1954. Related support
for Nazis, including giving them safe
harbor in the US, was the basis for Operation
Paperclip.
CIA agent Miles Copeland manipulated
elections prior to the CIA backing a
military coup against the elected government
of Syria, establishing Colonel
Al-Zaim's military dictatorship who was
promised de facto recognition by the USG. CIA
assists in repression of political opposition.
1949-1953: Ukraine
Organizational and material support for
Ukrainian resistance movement.
After the war in Thailand - the only state
in Southeast Asia to support the Japanese
war against the allies - the US supports the
Thai military (some $2 billion from
1949-1969), leading to Phibun
Songkhram reaquiring dictatorial
control after a brief exile to Japan in
1949. With a cooperative military junta in
total control of Thailand the US was able to
use it as a major base of operations from
which to mount its attacks on neighboring
Southeast Asian countries throughout its
involvement in the Vietnam wars.
USG later supports a military coup in 1976,
precipitated by the Thammasat
Massacre (carried out by forces that
had previously been trained by the CIA) and
followed by arrests of over 10,000 students,
academics, politicians, and labor activists.
1950-?: Congress for Cultural
Freedom/International Association for Cultural
Freedom
The locus for a
broad cultural black-op, the CIA founds
the Congress
for Cultural Freedom in 1950 under
project QKOPERA,
and with support from various foundations and
through relationships within the AFL-CIO and
media, use it to organize and disseminate
propaganda supporting American foreign policy
goals. One of the less trivial offenses
committed against humanity in this octopus of
inanity was a vast criminal conspiracy to
impose Abstract Expressionist painting on a
distracted world that had enough problems
without it.
1950: Puerto Rico
Independence rebellion crushed in Ponce.
1950-1952: Albania
The US and UK send teams of "free Albanians"
to infilitrate and establish paramilitary
organizations within Albania to topple Enver
Hoxha. The missions are compromised by Kim
Philby, a Soviet assett at the head of the
British operation [*].
1950-1952: Poland
Backing for Polish Freedom and Independence
Movement.
1950s: Japan
After reimposing the old leadership and
imposing a new constitution on defeated Japan
the US continues to interfere in this new
"democracy":
In Japan, in order to prevent the
Socialist Party from coming to power through
the polls, which seemed likely during the
1950s, we secretly supplied funds to the
representatives of the old order in the
Liberal Democratic Party. We helped bring
wartime Minister of Munitions Nobusuke Kishi
to power as prime minister in 1957; split
the Socialist Party by promoting and
financing a rival Democratic Socialist
Party; and, in 1960, backed the
conservatives in a period of vast popular
demonstrations against the renewal of the
Japanese-American Security Treaty.
USG performs chemical and biological weapons
tests on US citizens in over 230 US cities and
use "hundreds of thousands of military
personnel" as human guinea pigs, often without
their knowledge or consent.
US suppports Franco's fascist, anti-semitic
dictatorship in Spain which had been
responsible for executing
some 40,000 political prisoners after
defeating Republican forces in the Spanish
Civil War of the late 1930s, during which he
executed another 100,000.
President Truman begrudgingly
begins dealing with Franco in 1950, sending
him some $62 million in aid. Eisenhower
sends him $1.5 billion. Successive US
administrations are openly supportive of
Franco's regime until his death in 1975.
1952-1959: Cuba
Coup overthrows elected government of Carlos
Prio Socorras. Fulgencio Batista's ruthless
regime and his secret police force, the Buro
de Represion Actividades Communistas (BRAC) -
created by the CIA in 1956 - tortures and
kills thousands with US assistance.
Before January 1959, Cuba's
economy was dominated by US interests,
which owned 40% of the sugar production,
including seven of the ten largest
estates, 90% of the telephone and
electricity utilities, the oil refineries,
most of the mining industry, and some of
the banks.
After the Korean war the USG re-installs and
backs the autocracy
of Syngman
Rhee until 1960, when the CIA flies Rhee
and $20 million in government funds to Hawaii
to protect him from the population. Chang
Myong is then elected for an unnaturally brief
nine-month term, when in 1961 further unrest
and the USG supported military coup and
dictatorship of Japanese collaborator and
suspected commie General
Park Chung He overthrows Chang's Second
Republic.
Elected to office in 1963, Park later
declares martial law in 1972, suspending
democracy indefinitely. He also creates the
KCIA, an organization 370,000 strong by its
third year of existence, the head of which
shot Park in the head in 1979. See: Koreagate.
The Iranian parliament nationalizes British
oil concessions that were reaping 88% of the
profits from the Iranian oil industry. They
had offered the British 25% of the profits,
rather than 88%, and the British responded by
imposing a blockade on Iran and freezing
Iranian assets. British embassies are
closed, and so the British make proposals to
Truman to intervene.
Truman, whose administration considered
Prime Minister and Time 'Man of
the Year' Mohammed Mossadegh a nationalist
and an anti-communist, rejects the proposal,
believing the enlargement of the
middle-class made possible by the oil
nationalization would protect Iran from
communism. When Eisenhower takes office the
British repeat the proposal, but Ike's Sec.
of State John Foster Dulles and the Director
of Plans in the CIA Allen Dulles happen to
be partners in the lawfirm Sullivan and
Cromwell, which coincidentally is the legal
counsel for Anglo-Iranian Oil Co. Eisenhower
is sold a trumped up anti-communist story
(also trumped up in the press by the CIA, as
was common: see MOCKINGBIRD)
and sends Kermit
Roosevelt to the American Embassy in
Iran to foment a coup as part of Operation
AJAX, overthrowing Iran's Prime
Minister and liquidating the elected Iranian
parliament.
The underlying Cold War justification was
that because Mossadegh was supported by,
among others, the communist Tudeh
Party, which had supported Mossadegh's
social reforms when resisted by conservative
clerics, and so Mossadegh must therefore be
Communust: this 'logic', of course, wasn't.
The declassified CIA records suggest the
opposite: it's apparent that Mossadegh
preconditioned a spring 1953 contract with
Count Della Zonca (an Italian hauling
Iranian oil) on a guarantee that no oil be
sold to the Eastern bloc, and with most of
the oil continuing to be sold through AIOC
the British would effectively have control
over the rest of it - essentially an
anti-communist contract. The CIA cable on
March 31st, 1953 says quite plainly that the
"Communists did not create the crisis nor
are they playing a significant role in its
outcome". Hence a CIA directed plot was
necessary to deepen the crisis, improving
the insignificant Communist position, and
thus make it appear necessary to disband all
democratic institutions in favor of years of
state violence and terror against anyone who
would resist the Shah.
The Shah's dictatorship introduces one of
the more totalitarian
regimes of the third world, but the British
oil concessions became a largely American
oil consortium and the day was won for
Democracy: the Shah's SAVAK police
(organized by US intelligence) proceeded to
brutalize, repress, divide, isolate, and
torture the Iranian population for a quarter
of a century until he was exiled in 1979 by
Khomeini's Islamic
Republic, which did more of the same,
supported in turn by tons of US arms,
initially funnelled through Israel, via
Carter and Reagans'
"illegal-arms-for-CIA-operatives" and
"illegal-arms-for-an-illegal-war-in-Nicaragua"
deals.
1953: Segue: explosion of the first Russian
hydrogen bomb; Destalinization
begins; the McCarthy Era
With varying degress of success liberalization
programs are undertaken in Soviet
Russia and its satellites to undo the
worst of the persisting crimes of Stalin's
regime. Most, but not all, political prisoners
are rehabilitated, religious freedoms expand,
and the use of torture reduced. In 1956
Krushchev delivers a limited but accurate
enough condemnation
of Stalin and Lysenko
to the Party. Military suppression of protests
against the state and people's movements, vast
state censorship, partocracy, militarism,
Soviet economic hegemony, and other forms of
control for the most part continue - ie. the
political life of citizens begins to bear -
lacking in violent purges and religious
intolerance, torture, famine, and personality
cults - more resemblance to that in the US
than in China. After 1964 and Brezhnev's rise
to power the decline in repression reverses
somewhat, and cultural and political
dissidence meets with forceful "damage
control".
Around the same time in the United States a
concerted propaganda campaign is waged to
whip up anti-communist hysteria, causing a
purge of much of the State Department as
numerous diplomats and experts are accused
baselessly of 'communist sympathies', to be
replaced by comparatively uninformed,
ideological wingbats who go on a rampage
across the globe in search of enemies to
destroy. The effects of McCarthyism on
foreign policy makers prolonged a relatively
quick and painless three month war on the
Korean penninsula, when accepting an
armistice would have been seen as "soft on
communism", and turned it into a three year
long massacre that killed millions.
Similarly discussion of Vietnam turns from
one of French colonialism to one of
"communist expansionism", leading to the
deaths of millions upon millions, one
massacre after another.
"We have created a more humanitarian,
less costly strategy, to be more
compatible with the democratic system. We
instituted civil affairs [in 1982] which
provides development for 70 percent of the
population, while we kill 30 percent.
Before, the strategy was to kill 100
percent."
--General Hector Gramajo, 1980s Guatemalan
Minister of Defense, interview with Harvard
International Review, cited
here
United Fruit Co., aka Chiquita
Banana, and the CIA lobby the
Eisenhower administration to overthrow
President Jacobo Arbenz, who attempted to
institute land reforms that threatened
United Fruit's extortion of Guatemalan
agriculture, and expanded on the ideal of
democracy to end disenfranchizement of
communist sympathizers at the table of
government. The Eisenhower administration
and CIA, apparently in confusion about what
democracy means, prompty organized a botched
assassination attempt on Arbenz, trained and
armed a military regime to take over, and
lent military assistance to the
counter-revolution. The ensuing
civil war lasted 40 years and left
some 160,000 dead and 40,000 "disappeared"
(in 1999 there was some light cast on the fate of
the disappeared).
"The social and economic programs of the
elected government met the aspirations" of
labor and the peasantry, and "inspired the
loyalty and conformed to the self-interest
of most politically conscious Guatemalans.
Worse still, the government of Guatemala
had "become an increasing threat to the
stability of Honduras and El Salvador. Its
agrarian reform is a powerful propaganda
weapon; its broad social program of aiding
the workers and peasants in a victorious
struggle against the upper classes and
large foreign enterprises has a strong
appeal to the populations of Central
American neighbors where similar
conditions prevail."
So therefore a military solution was
necessary. It went on for 40 years, and
its left the same culture of terror as
in Central American neighbors.
--Chomsky, summarizing internal US
documents discussing the communist threat
in Guatemala, Kiva
Auditorium, NM. A similar quote from
the linked essay by Streeter is attributed
to the State Department, discussing
regional stability for Honduras and El
Salvador; quote attributed citation by
Gjeijeses, Shattered Hope, p
152.
In addition to death squad activity,
executions, rape, and torture, US government
suppression of the murder of an American,
etc., US backed goons engaged in scorched
earth campaigns. While US military aid
was halted in 1990, the CIA continued its
own funding for another 5 years until
reports in the US press made the funding
public.
Guatemalan suffering continues to this
day:
UN
Truth Commission on Guatemala:
"during the period from 1981 to 1983 these
acts descended to the level of genocide
directed against elements of the country's
indigenous Mayan population".
NSA
- US-Guatemalan policy documents:
including a 1982
accusation by the U.S. Embassy that
Amnesty International, the Washington
Office on Latin America, the Network in
Solidarity with Guatemala and the
Guatemalan Human Rights Commission are
supporting Guatemalan Communism because of
their reports on human rights abuses in
Guatemala - which have since been
confirmed by declassified documents.
US military aid to Pakistan helps reinforce
the military's position in society and assists
it in seizing power in 1958. Overconfident in
the strength of its US backing, Pakistan
blunders into a war with India in the mid 60s.
This and shifts in alignment towards China
result in LBJ issuing an arms embargo on Pak
and India in 1965, producing a cease-fire. The
embargo weakens shortly there-after, and under
Nixon military aid resumes, to genocidal
effect.
"No wonder Sukarno doesn't like
us very much. He has to sit down with people
who tried to overthrow him." - President
Kennedy, 1961
The CIA interfers in Indonesia's first
parliamentary elections since it acquired
independence from the Netherlands in 1945 by
providing $1 million to the Masjumi Party
against Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta's
Nationalist Party. Sukarno, who had lead the
independence movement, wins the elections.
Enraged by Sukarno's "unity through diversity"
policy, which allowed the communist PKI to run
(and consistently lose) in elections, the CIA
advocates for a military coup, culminating in
President Eisenhower issuing an order on
September 25th, 1957 for Sukarno's overthrow.
By early 1958 the CIA established a
revolutionary government on Sumatra and
Sulawesi that calls for uprisings against
the government. The US-trained and armed
Indonesia military destroys the rebel base a
week later, even recieving maps of the
islands from the US military attache in
Jakarta, who was unaware of the CIA
operation. In March the US State Department,
under John Foster Dulles, publically echoes
the calls for uprisings against Sukarno,
declaring that "all-out Communist despotism
is taking over". Overrun, the CIA assets are
evacuated to saftey by the US navy in April.
In late April the CIA started sending
warplanes to strike military and civilian
targets. These sorties killed hundreds. When
the Indonesian military downed one of the
craft and captured the pilot, Allen
Lawrence Pope, revealing the direct
American involvement in the war, the CIA was
forced to shut down the operation. Al Pope
was sentenced to death (released in August
1962) and his capture demonstrated that
rumors of American involvement in the
attempted overthrow were true, making the
dire predictions about Sukarno's loyalties
entirely self-fulfilling, leading eventually
to further US intervention and the massacres
of 1965.
Of roughly 20,000 people
investigated by the FBI solely on the
basis of their political views between
1956-1971, about 10 to 15% were the
targets of active counterintelligence
measures per se. Taking
counterintelligence in its broadest sense,
to include spreading false information,
it's estimated that about two-thirds were
COINTELPRO targets. Most targets were
never suspected of committing any crime.
Harkening back to the first red scare and
the Palmer
raids after World War I, the US
government moves to target its real enemies:
US citizens.
The FBI assisted
right-wing hate groups in carrying out
bombings, shootings, murder, and other
assorted manifestations of violence against
activist groups, as exemplified by the siege
at Pine Ridge, South Dakota (1973-76) and
the Greensboro
Massacre (1979).
The CIA was utilized for the same ends, spying on the
student movement, collecting
information on some 300,000 Americans,
distributing LSD to unwitting participants,
American and foreign, as part of MKULTRA
(leading in one case to the 1953 death of
Dr. Frank Olson). It included enticing
heroin addicts to use the drug in return for
heroin (part of the long history of CIA
involvement with the drug trade) and testing
it on "unwitting subjects in social
situations". All records pertaining to
MKULTRA were destroyed by the order of CIA
director Richard Helms in 1973, so what
these findings from the Church Committee
entail exactly we'll never fully know.
Operation
MOCKINGBIRD is a welldocumentedprogram
in which the CIA made (and continues to
make) infiltrations into domestic media
organizations, as well as creating front
organizations poising as media groups,
giving the intelligence community a high
level of influence and occasional instances
of direct control in the "free press". This
is what democracies do in lieu of having
direct state control over media, and one can
readily observe that it's a far more
effective policy in guiding public opinion
and covering up state secrets, since the
citizen is left unaware that any influence
is being exerted, or if he is he is left
unaware of when. Of course, since these
activities are never verified by the
government until decades after they happen
anybody claiming that such
activities continue are easily
labelled as cranks, as was the case for most
instances of covert activity listed in this
document.
Government intelligence services in general
often being conspicious,
rottenfucks,
leading rational, sane people into the
bowels of paranoia when government secrecy
prevents the public from knowing the full
extent and details of operations that
targetted US citizens, leaving fear,
manufactured or not, to fully disembowel the
credibility of people who have reasonable
questions but choose instead to fill the
gaps in themselves with mindwasting
conjecture.
Laos is mainly affected by
unexploded ordnance (UXO) dating back to the
Indochina War, especially the period from
1964 to 1973, when it is estimated that more
than two million tons of ordnance were
dropped on Laos. Fifteen of the country.s
eighteen provinces are significantly
affected by UXO; the most heavily
contaminated provinces are Savannakhet,
Xieng Khouang, Saravane and Khammouane.[7]
Over 85 percent of the population lives in
rural areas, and UXO seriously constrains
the livelihood and food security of large
sections of the population.
The US government made little or no effort
to help with ordnance clearing projects
until 1996.
1957-1986: Haiti
US supports 30 years of rule by the Duvalier
dictatorships in Haiti. Rule was transferred
from Francois Duvalier to his son Jean-Claude
in 1971, who now resides
comfortably in France. Our nepotistic
friends massacre some 40-60,000 political
opponents and torture countless more.
The relationship was not without its early
complexities. Used as a base for attacks
against Cuba in the early 60s, the Kennedy
administration reduces some aid and has the
CIA make wavering attempts towards
overthrowing the regime between 1962 and
1968. The CIA - observing that the regime
had "crushed all opposition and destroyed
almost all Haitian institutions" - concludes
in the end that Duvalier must be propped up
against the threat of a devastated and
demoralized general population. Even while
supporting coup attempts by Haitian exiles
in the US they assist the regime against
coup attempts by non-exiled Haitians.
The UK and US governments approve a plan to
stage fake incidents to excuse invasions by
neighboring pro-Western Arab countries, in an
effort to install a government that "would
probably need to rely first upon repressive
measures and arbitrary exercise of power".
The plan is abandoned after Syria's
neighbors refuse to go along with the
project.
1958-1973: Cambodia
The Khmer Serei movement is not a
genuine part of the Cambodian political
life. It is an external organization
covertly supported by the Thai and South
Vietnamese governments with the object of
overthrowing the Sihanouk regime. Its chief
methods are subversion and terrorism.
--British Embassy, Phon Phem, April 22,
1966
Cambodian minorities from southwestern
Vietnam and Thailand's Surin province making
up Son Ngoc Thanh's Khmer Serei movement are
supported by the CIA and used to wage
cross-border attacks against the Cambodian
army in order to pressure Prince Sihanouk
into a stronger pro-Western alliance through
SEATO. The operation fails, making Sihanouk
more popular and more resolute in his
determination to maintain neutrality. The
attacks also bog down the small Cambodian
army along the Thai border, forcing
Shihanouk to seek assistance from China,
which is then used by the CIA to justify
continuing support for the Khmer Serei's
attempts to undermine the government.
By 1964 US Special Forces, on loan to the
CIA, are joining in the cross-border raids
from South Vietnam as "advisors" along with
South Vietnamese Army units. On top of the
initiation of US bombing raids on Cambodia,
Shihanouk breaks off relations with the US
in the spring of 1965. The steady escalation
of US bombing, ostensibly to target
communist Vietnamese forces, leads to one of
the largest and most destructive bombing
campaigns in history, as the order came down
for an escalation of the attacks by Henry
Kissinger, "Anything that flies on anything
that moves".
"The fact is that the United
States dropped three times the quantity of
explosives on Cambodia between 1970 and 1973
than it had dropped on Japan for the
duration of World War II. Between 1969 and
1973, 539,129 tons of high explosives rained
down on Cambodia; that is more than one
billion pounds. This is equivalent to some
15,400 pounds of explosives for every square
mile of Cambodian territory. Considering
that probably less than 25 percent of the
total area of Cambodia was bombed at one
time or another, the actual explosive force
per area would be at least four times this
level."
--The Rise and Demise of Democratic
Kampuchea, Craig Etcheson, 1984
American support for the
ouster of Sihanouk (viewed by the rural
populace as the father of the country), in
a coup by General Lon Nol and the
subsequent invasion of Cambodia by U.S.
troops in April 1970 prompted a backlash
that strengthened support for the
insurgent Khmer Rouge (KR) guerrillas.
The data released by Clinton
shows the total payload dropped during these
years to be nearly five times greater than
the generally accepted figure. To put the
revised total of 2,756,941 tons into
perspective, the Allies dropped just over 2
million tons of bombs during all of World
War II, including the bombs that struck
Hiroshima and Nagasaki: 15,000 and 20,000
tons, respectively. Cambodia may well be the
most heavily bombed country in history.
The CIA estimated that the US bombing
campaign killed some 600,000 Cambodians, but
between four years of US bombing, the Khmer
Rouge's self-immolation of the country from
1975-1979, the 1979 Vietnam invasion, and a
mass famine induced by the destruction of
farm land, cluster bombs effectively mining
tracts of countryside (even now a continuing
problem, with over 400 casualties from
unexeploded ordnance in 2002), the flood of
refugees fleeing from US bombing to urban
centers that could not sustain the
population, and later a US-led blockade
after 1979 (except for Khmer Rouge-lead
groups opposing the new government, which
the US "tilted"
towards), nobody
really knows how many died to what by
whose hand.
In Lebanon in 1957, the CIA
supported Christian parties with U.S.
government money and donations by American
oil companies that wanted to insure a
friendly government in Lebanon, a pivotal
Middle Eastern country. Wilbur Crane
Eveland, a CIA officer, later described
driving his gold and white DeSoto onto the
grounds of President Camille Chamoun's
residence in Beirut and delivering political
payoffs. "Throughout the elections, I
traveled regularly to the presidential
palace with a briefcase full of Lebanese
pounds, then returned late at night to the
embassy with an empty twin case" to be
replenished with CIA money, Eveland wrote in
"Ropes of Sand" in 1980, a history of
American policy failures in the Middle East.
Shortly thereafter 14,000 marines occupy
Lebanon to repress dissidents opposing
Chamoun's government, intervening in a small
civil war to prop him up.
Continuing an old
feud, that being that Cuba is
United States territory and not Cuban,
the USG has continued intervening on it's own
behalf in Cuba. With the overthrow of the US
imposed and supported Batista dictatorship the
CIA starts directing bombing raids from US
soil, manned by exiled Cubans, against Cuba.
The Cuban government sought redress in the UN
in 1960, and the CIA bungled attempts to
overthrow Fidel
Castro 6 times between 1961 and 1963.
The US ordered Britain not to provide arms to
Cuba, forcing it to eventually seek aid from
the Soviet Union, providing a pretext for
further intervention. Direct support for
sabatoge and terror attacks continue until
1966, including the 1961 Bay of Pigs
operation, strafing attacks on beach-side
resorts, contamination of agricultural
imports, and attacks on British cargo ships.
US embargos, continuing long past the end
of the cold war, strangle the Cuban economy
and deprive all but the highest American
elites of fine Cuban cigars. To be fair to
Cuba - and it's unlikely that this has much
to do with Castro's administrative "genius"
- it rates somewhere around 3rd or 4th in
the Western hemisphere on basic human
development indicators, its infant mortality
rate is in fact lower than that of the
United States. On human rights it's useful
to compare notes on Cuba
versus the United
States and the top recipient in the
hemisphere of US military aid, Columbia,
before trying to explain or justify USG
policy against Cuba as a response to
Castro's human rights abuses.
According to a
book by ex-CIA agent Philip
Agee, the CIA staged a Communist
takeover of Ecuador before backing a military
coup, ousting elected President J. M. Velasco
Ibarra, and again in 1963 the government of
Carlos Julio Arosemena. Agee now lives
in Cuba and is accused of being a "KGB
shill", which all around is probably
better for the health than staying in the US
and being a CIA target.
It was an odd change for the nation to get
accustomed to, no doubt. Prior to 1960 the
mobs were usually white.
1960-1971: Turkey
CIA assists Turkish Military Intelligence
(MIT) in designing plans for mass arrests and
repression of political opposition from
1960-69. In 1971 the CIA assists a military
coup, and the plans are carried out, leading
to the arrests and torture of 4,000 "suspects"
in a single night.
Shortly after the Congo wins its independence
from the
brutal rule of Begium [*]
- which received support from the USG - the
USG assists in assassination attempts of the
newly elected Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba
(including one attempt via a viral agent,
delivery courtesy Sidney
Gottlieb), bringing the former European
colony into the US "sphere of dominance" under
the USG backed reign of Joseph
Mobutu Sese-Seko. As an informal colony
of a troika between Belgium (for prestige),
France (for trade), and the US (resource
exploitation and supporting reactionary forces
in neighboring states), the backers of
Mobutu's regime set about some 37 years of
supporting a brutal despot and kleptomaniac,
leaving the Congo drownd
in $12 billion of international debt.
International propping of the regime continued
well beyond IMF advisor Erwin Blumenthal's
exposing the kleptocracy in 1982 and the IMF's
and World Bank's continued support of it
because of Western dominance in those
organizations. Funds supplied by Western
kickbacks and aid were used by Mobutu to bribe
off select military, familial, and regional
elites in order to maintain his position in
the country.
After his rise to power Mobutu proceeded to
rape and brutalize the country and its
citizens. Replaced by Laurent Kabila and
then his son Joseph Kabila, things
still aren't looking any better. Part
of a general juggling and inadvertent
discombobulation of African "nations"
(artificial constructs based on the
generally arbitrary borders established and
afterwards maintained by "exiting" colonial
powers) between
world powers the Soviet role was
"largely rhetorical". Saner imperial powers
might have entered into an Anti-Circus-Ring
Pact.
In 1964 the CIA provided air support for
Mobutu, Cyril Adoula, and Moise Tshombe in
Katanga, against Lumumba supporters in
Stanleyville.
During the 1970s the USG and France
organized military support for Mobutu during
rebel
invasions from Angola into Shaba.
Whatever finger-waving one might direct
upon various outside actors, the IMF and WB
institutions that are subsidiaries to
Western interests, the problems of a corrupt
and repressive state supported by them, and
a helpless, repressed, and disorganized
society, one has to admit that "the disaster
had its roots in a history of extraordinary
outside interference. ... Zaire's free fall
was generated not by one man but thousands
of compliant collaborators, at home and
abroad." (Foreign
Affairs, 2001)
In a region inunduated
with US arms, torn over competition
for cashcow exports to the West, three
to five million people have been raped
or slaughtered in the Congo
War since 1998. While US
administrations are waging one war after
another on grounds of "humanitarian
intervention" (Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia,
Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq) they've done
nothing about the Congo War besides pour
weapons into the project (including training
and aiding the militaries of contributing
parties, such as Uganda and Rwanda). Life
evidently doesn't mean much when the loss of
it serves the so-called "national interest".
Referred to today as "Camp Justice" by the
Pentagon, this small island paradise in the
Indian ocean was "sanitized" (ethnically
cleansed) of its civillian population - their
pet dogs gassed to death - by the British
Empire and the American military. It remains
the expropriated home for one of the largest
American forward bases in the world.
1962: Brazil
CIA engages in a campaign to keep Joao Goulart
from achieving control of Congress.
Shortly after independence from Britain - long
delayed by US pressure - the CIA organizes
overthrow of the elected president Cheddi Jagan.
The US backs nationalists in future elections,
beginning 28 years of increasingly militant
rule by the People's National Congress party
until Jagan won the election of 1992 with US
support, in the country's first monitored
elections: meaning the US has been choosing
the winner of Guyana's elections for some 40
years.
1962-1975: Paraguay
The dictatorship Alfredo Stroessner receives
$146 million in US aid, never receiving
condemnations for its human rights abuses, the
genocide of the indigenous Ache, drug
trafficking and open arms policy for ex Nazis
until the 1980s. The condemnation shortly
preceded a 1988 coup. Stroessner took exile in
Brazil.
Starting in 1962 the CIA begins interfering in
Chilean elections, turning in 1964 to
incubation of the military junta that in 1973
put Augusto Pinochet into power after a CIA
backed overthrow of Salvador Allende (having
failed to buy his opponents elections and a
failed coup attempt in 1970, among others).
Salvador's government was replaced by a
military dictatorship that suppressed
and brutalized the country until 1990,
with full
USG knowledge and complicity, and
included assistance in the murder of political
opponents. Allende's crime:
"Allende then proceeded
towards strongly socialist policies based
on his electoral victory, including a
prices freeze, an increase in wages,
nationalisation of the coal and steel
industries, nationalisation of the main
foreign copper firms, and of 60% of the
private banks (Skidmore & Smith 2001,
p127; Hudson 1994). Almost 500 firms would
be nationalised (Hudson 1994). Workers
often took the initiative, occupying the
offices of foreign firms such as ITT and
Ford until they were nationalised - this
led to a partial financial blockade by the
U.S., as well as the withholding of loans
from the World Bank, the Inter-American
Development Bank, and the U.S.
Export-Import Bank (Skidmore & Smith
2001, p127)."
The USG was supporting "anti-communist"
factions in Chile as early as 1950. CIA
activities received significant funding from
the business community (allegedly Pepsi,
from what I've read).
The AFL-CIO was also involved, continuing
its long history of working against
foreign labor unions. In addition to
everything else, the State Department
concluded that the CIA might have had "an
unfortunate part" in the death of
30-year old American journalist Charles
Horman, who had unwittingly recieved
sensitive information about the US role in
the coup from a US Navy Engineer.
Until the anti-apartheid movement managed to
change US policy through congressional
pressure in the late 80s - a policy change
forcefully resisted by Reagan by veto (e.g.
the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act in 1986),
the rhetoric of "constructive
engagement", and through the isolation
of African states critical of the South
African regime - South
African apartheid formulated in
1948 received strong backing from
Washington, making South Africa a defacto
client state over the course of the Cold War.
At the same time Washington was intermitently
supporting
different "alternatives" to the ANC,
which also received occasional US funding, in
attempts to build an anti-apartheid movement
that would take its orders from Washington,
regardless of whether this search meant
delaying the end of apartheid indefinitely
(thankyou Hubert Humphrey). A similar but
shorter-lived situation existed in Rhodesia.
The South African regime used its generous
assistance from Washington to support
incursions into neighboring states against
independent governments, targetting - among
others - Angola, Lesotho, Mozambique,
Seychelles ^,
Namibia, and Zimbabwe.
1962-1979: The Enemy of Communists are
Islamic Fundamentalists are Our Kind of
Bastards
With roots in the Eisenhower administration's
coordination of policy with the UK against
Egypt's Nasser under the "Omega" plan,
the long-standing US political alliance with
Saudi Arabia develops into a broadening and
deepening level of - if often indirect -
financial and political support for right-wing
Islamist political movements as part of a
policy to counter and weaken the forces of
nationalism and pan-Arabism.
After the failure of Kennedy's attempt at
rapproachment with Egypt due to Nasser's
support for the Republicans in the North
Yemen Civil War, the US - along with
Israel, Iran, Jordan, and the UK - joined
Saudi Arabia in supporting the Royalist
factions against the anti-monarchists in a
conflict that lasted until 1970, ultimately
seeing the 1967 partition of north and south
into separate states for 23 years: the north
becoming the Yemen Arab Republic after the
mediated withdrawal of Egyptian and Saudi
forces in 1970, while the south became a
soviet proxy. The failure of the
nationalist coup in Yemen and the 1967
defeat against Israel permantently
discredited pan-Arabism and drastically
improved political Islam's image across the
Muslim world, allowing it to emerge from the
fringe of Middle Eastern politics.
With Nassers death in 1970 the CIA
established a backchannel to his successor
Anwar Sedat through Saudi intelligence chief
Kamal
Adham, transmitting Kissinger's
promises to Sadat that Washington would assist
Egypt against Israel if he broke off
relations with the Soviet Union, which he
did in 1972. To consolidate his position
against the Nasserites and pro-Soviet left,
Sadat entered into an alliance with the
Muslim Brotherhood and allowed Egypt to
become a center for Islamic political
activism, declaring Islam the state religion
and later adopting provisions for Shari'a
into the constitution. Good as his word,
Kissinger restrained Israel enough during
the October War in '73 to engineer a
stalemate, and Washington supported the new
Egyptian regime with millions in annual
economic aid. With political Islam
flourishing across Saudi Arabia and Egypt
the stage was set for Washington's crucial
role in organizing the
first global jihad.
The "Health Alteration Committee", a CIA
assassination program, sends the disobedient
Iraqi dictator Abdel Karim Qassim - who came
to power in 1958 overthrowing the British
puppet Nuri Said and then helped found OPEC -
a poisoned handkerchief.
After a number of similarly failed coup
attempts James
H Critchfield finally stages a
successful coup against Qassim supporting
the Baath Party, ushering in a wave of
bloodbaths against CIA-provided lists of
leftists and communists, slaughter of the
Kurds, and deportations of hundreds of
thousands of Kurds, Turkomans, and Shi'ites.
The CIA backs another coup in 1968 putting
Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr into power, leading
directly to the dictatorship of long-time
American asset Saddam Hussein in 1979.
CIA organizes a right-wing coup of the
Brazilian republic. The resulting dictatorship
suppressed, censored, and tortured the
opposition, the suspected opposition,
everybody else, and it's economic policies
drove the per capita GNP to one of the lowest
in Latin American, in one of the wealthiest
nations in the world.
"The systematic use of torture was
also condoned if not encouraged by U.S.
AID officials.
A common torture routine consisted of
a preliminary beating by a flat wooden
paddle with holes drilled through it
called a palmatoria. This would be
followed by a more concentrated
application of electric wires to the
genitals designed to elicit information
from the victim. If this method failed,
the prisoner was subjected to another
round with the palmatoria -- often for
six hours at a time.46 Today, Brazil's
terror technology has advanced beyond
the electric prod and the wooden paddle.
Testimony from political prisoners
verified by the Brazilian College of
Lawyers lists among the newest
inventions a refrigerated cubicle called
a geladeira. Nude prisoners are boxed in
the geladeira for several days at a time
and frequently doused with ice-cold
water. All the time, loudspeakers emit
deafening sounds. One prisoner described
this as a "machine to drive people
crazy."
--Ibid
Brazil has been more or less in the back
pocket of US interests before and since, and
makes a clear example of how US interests
are protected by keeping peoples and
governments in line, be it by hook or crook.
The 2002 election of the liberal canidate
Luiz Lula to the presidency demonstrates
how foreign economic pressures are put to
bear in the form of self-fulfilling
prophecies: "For months international
investment banks have been downgrading
Brazil's government bonds, saying that a
Lula presidency would likely lead to a
default. This caused the collapse of the
real, which has led to rising prices for all
imports, including oil, and a spike in
interest rates."
Acting through the US client state in Brazil
the USG works to influence Uruguay's elections
with voter and candidate initimidation amidst
US supported violence, militant repression and
increased use of torture as part of the
counterinsurgency program.
1965-1987: Phillipines - the Democratizing
Virtues of "Constitutional Authoritarianism"
USG supports rule of Ferdinand
Marcos [2],
the exemplar of "crony capistalism". Elected
in 1965 and 1969, Marcos takes advantage of
terrorist bombings (some of which were carried
out by his government) in 1972 and seizes
dictatoral power. He was praised by US leaders
for his democratic virtues until his downfall
in 1986, when he was exiled to California.
The new Aquino government is also supported
by the US, and uses "counter-insurgency"
death squads - organized under Marcos with
CIA assistance - to purge opposition to the
new government, which fails to make
significant economic reforms.
USG supports Suharto's military coup under the
auspices of a Communist plot and assists
in the murder of 500,000-1,000,000 civilians,
starting from a list of 5,000 provided
by the State Department and CIA.
FYI, we may have a pro-Western
coup in Ghana soon. Certain key military and
police figures have been planning one for
some time, and Ghana's deteriorating
economic condition may provide the spark.
The plotters are keeping us briefed, and
State thinks we're more on the inside than
the British. While we're not directly
involved (I'm told), we and other Western
countries (including France) have been
helping to set up the situation by
ignoring Nkrumah's pleas for economic aid.
--Memorandum From Robert W. Komer of the
National Security Council Staff to the
President's Special Assistant for National
Security Affairs, May
27, 1965.
When Kwame Nkrumah publishes his book Neo-Colonialism,
predicting that the US and other foreign
powers would continue to cynically interfere
in African affairs, the US reacts harshly by
cancelling aid it had promised and noting
that the USG "could not now foresee all
consequences of book but that these would
'undoubtedly become evident in due course.'"
Such an "attack of this nature" - that is a
relatively accurate written work of
non-fiction - by a "Head of State" was
"unacceptable". One simply cannot feel free
to write a book expressing criticism of US
policy if one runs a third world country.
That would be outrageous.
Overthrow of the elected government by the
military dictatorship of School of Americas
graduate Major General Juan
Valesco Alvarado, initiating military
rule for seven years. Alvarado's junta
ousted Belaunde
Terry, who was resistant to
nationalizing oil production and had
devalued the Sol by over forty percent.
Alvarado's leftist junta immediately
nationalized oil production in 1968, but
allowed foreign investors back in after 1971
under somewhat, for Peru, more generous
contracts. The USG had been providing
training to Peruvian security forces for
some time, similar in content to that
elsewhere. At the same time, throughout much
of the 1970s, Peru was the leading recipient
of Soviet arms in South America.
After the reinstatement of democracy in
1980 the USG involved itself under the
auspices of the drug war, during which it
likely targetted Peru with biological
and chemical warfare programs.
Alberto
Fujimori was president between 1990 to
2000, and the CIA was delivering $1 million
a year to his intelligence chief Vladimiro
Montesinos to fight drug trafficking,
knowing at the time that Montesinos was in
bed with narcotraffickers, and helping
him rig
elections to keep Fujimori in office.
The USG has provided military helicopters
and advisors to the Peruvian military, amid
reports from human rights groups that the
military was engaged in serious human rights
abuses including disappearances,
torture, and rape.
Fujimori suspended democratic rule early in
his first term and engaged in a violent,
often indiscriminate but successful crack
down against a resurgent Shining
Path and Tupac Amaru.
He used the suspension of democracy to
enforce economic policies that plunged Peru
deeper into poverty (minus an oppulent
minority of Peruvian and Western business
men) in one of the most thorough examples of
'shock therapy' in Latin America of the
time. The SP is a brutal
neo-Marxist/Leninist guerilla
organization responsible for the
murders of about 11,000 people, including a
large number of "bourgeoisie"
leftists.
As part of the counter-insurgency
Fujimori's security services formed the Grupo Colina, headed
by a former SOA graduate that was an officer
in a Honduras death squad. Grupo Colina
engaged in numerous atrocities
against civillians and contributed to the
dramatic rise of human
rights abuses, many targetting
political opponents and journalists. Caught
between a minority militant left and a
dictatoral militant right: everybody else,
particularly indigenous peoples living in
oil rich areas.
The principal features of this
ruthless oppression were the indiscriminate
killing of civilians, including women and
children; the attempt to exterminate or
drive out of the country a large part of the
Hindu population; the arrest, torture, and
killing of Awami League activists, students,
professional and business men and other
potential leaders among the Bengalis; the
raping of women, the destruction of villages
and towns; and the looting of property. All
this was done on a scale which was difficult
to comprehend.
In December 1970, elections held in East
and West Pakistan (at the time a single
nation where East Pakistan, some 1,000 miles
from its counterpart, was ruled by the west
- now Bangladesh and Pakistan respectively)
result in a legislative majority for an East
Pakistani nationalist party. The military
dictator who chose to hold the elections and
enact democratic reform in the first place,
General Yahya Khan, suspends the election
results. Resulting protests in East Pakistan
lead to a rampage of violence by Khan's West
Pakistani dominated military against the
Awami League party and the Bengalese
population in general.
In the resulting genocide**
somewhere between 500,000
to 3 million East Pakistanis are
slaughtered, raped, and tortured over the
course of 9 months.
President Nixon - against the advice of US
diplomats and State Department officials who
described the situation as genocide in the Blood
Telegram to the White House - refuses
to react to the campaign, or rather, reacts
by supporting the perpetrators.
An arms "embargo" was issued (by congress?
it's unclear) shortly after the onslaught
began, on March 25th, but the embargo only
applied to the issue of new licenses. Spare
parts, ammunition, and other 'non-lethal'
aid are continued, and through legal
loopholes and third party allies, the US
military aid continues to flow throughout
much of the atrocites. The US ships some $15
million in military aid to Yahya Khan's
government during the campaign, making it
the only country in the world to continue
support during the crisis by mid-year. When
the India-Pak conflict steps up in December
Pakistan is further assisted in the
procurement of, among other things, American
fighter planes via Iran, and Jordan supplying
a squandron of 10 F-104As. While this
was in response to rising tensions between
India and Pakistan, the rising tensions were
themselves created by events in East
Pakistan, thus making any aid against India
implicitly material and moral support for
the continuation of atrocities.
Nixon and Kissinger, in the midst of
persuing talks with China through Pakistan
(alternative channels had also been opened
in Romania, and later Paris), act in every
possible way to support Yahya. China,
arguably as complicit a supporter of the
campaign as Washington, promised
aid but never delivered. No
condemnation is ever issued over Yahya's
policies in East Pakistan, and little to no
effort is made to negotiate an end to the
atrocities.
Amid all this some ten million East
Pakistani refugees had flooded into India en
masse by December of 1971. On
December 3rd, after months of mounting
tensions, Pakistani air attacks on Indian
bases resulted in India's two week invasion
of East Pakistan in December 1971 to end the
destabalizing campaign of genocide
('civillian invasion', as India referred to
it in the UN), weaken Pakistan, and to
prevent the formation of a radicalized and
independent East Pakistan. During the
invasion the US sends the nuclear sub, USS
Enterprise, into the Bay of Bengal to
intimidate India, and went so far as to
offer China a green light to invade India.
When the UN finally takes up the issue of
the events after the Indian intervention
India makes appeals against the atrocities
being perpetrated by the Pak army - the
invasion effectively ends the atrocities and
results in the repatriation of almost all
East Pakistani refugees within a year. The
Whitehouse response, and much of the rest of
the world's, was to condemn
India's 'aggression'.
After independence the new Bengalese
government is torn by inter-faction fighting
and military coups - revenge campaigns,
property seizures and other conflicts take a
heavy toll (up to 150,000) on the
non-Bengali population (primarily Bihari),
who were percieved as and in many cases were
collaborating with the Pak army. Population
transfer programs under the New Delhi
Agreement in 1973 results in Pakistan's
recognition of Bangladesh in 1974, but
Pakistan, with domestic problems of its own,
is slow to repatriate the Bihari population.
As of 1999 some 200,000 were still living in
66 refugee camps within Bangladesh [see: Rupture in
South Asia, pdf].
School of Americas graduate General Hugo
Banzer Suarez leads a bloody coup in 1971 and
installs a military dictatorship with strong
US backing - recieving more US military aid in
his first year than Bolivia had recieved in
the previous 12. In 1974 he begins a campaign
of repression against labor leaders, leftist
politicians, and Catholic aid workers who were
attempting to aid the indigenous Bolivians the
regime had dispossessed.
1972: Philippines
USG backs overthrow of Philippine republic.
1972-1976: Ecuador
Overthrow of the elected government by the
military dictatorship of School of the
Americas graduate Major General Guillermo
Rodriguez, initiating military rule for seven
years.
1973: Oman
US directs Iranian marine invasion in support
of the Sultan, quelling the anti-monarchist Dhofar
rebellion.
1973-Present: The "War on Drugs"
The effect on foreign nations, the biological,
biochemical,
and chemical
warfare programs, CIA involvement in funding
death squad activity with narcotrafficking
proceeds, the massive influx of said
narcotrafficking into American cities -
nevermind dousing unwitting members of the
general population with LSD - and other fall
out from the war on drugs is dealt with
intermintently elsewhere. At home the drug war
policy of the past 40 years has become largely
a matter of controlling sectors of the
domestic population, primarily black men:
In an apparent effort to make China look
good, the US has thrown over 500,000 drug
"offenders" behind bars out of political
expediency. A full third of the population
has used illegal narcotics - funding in turn
the secret wars waged by Uncle Sam with the
drug money - and presumably belong in there
with them. Instead it is overwhelmingly
young black men who suffer the highest rates
of incarceration.
300 million US citizens make up about 5% of
the world's population, and it's 2,000,000
inmates make up about 25% of the world's
imprisoned population, with another
4,000,000 citizens on
probation. In comparison, China's
police-state with a population of 1.3
billion people has 1.5 million inmates and
an estimated 230,000
in laogai 're-education camps' -
together approxiamately one fifth the
incarceration rate of the world's greatest
democracy.
About
a quarter of all robbery, burglary,
and larceny offenses were committed to
obtain drugs. About 25% of the Federal
prison population is put
to forced labor, compensated at less
than a dollar an hour. Many Americans have sought
asylum in Canada, calling into
question facile arguments about why nobody
is trying to get out of this country.
Like most people I'd like to see an end to
the heroin trade and a reasonable drug
policy with respect to marijuana and other
relatively harmless, none-to-low addiction,
entertaining substances, with social
programs that focus on rehabilitation,
stress responsible drug use and provide
accurate information, and national programs
that focus on blocking the importation of
illegal narcotics. Actually, I would have
assumed that this is what a "war on drugs"
would have originally entailed. The past 30
years of policy have been completely the
opposite: non-rehabilitative treatment,
invading foreign countries to destroy local
agriculture, manipulating agriculture prices
to drive out foreign competition and push
third world farmers into drug production,
funding, arming, and cooperating with
narcotraffickers abroad, and using profits
off drug traffic to fund covert operations.
Sort of makes the sincerity of the anti-drug
warriors sound a little disingenuous.
I think I'm paraphrasing Bill Maher when I
point out that we're deforesting South
America because we can't kick our cocaine
habit.
Failing to bring about a subservient
government by meddling in elections and
political repression, the USG supports the
military in their power grab. I've read that
the military government created the highest
percentage of a population imprisoned for
political reasons in the world.
1973-1978: Afghanistan
USG provides financial and military assistance
to Mohammed Duad. While actively competing for
influence in Afghanistan since the 1950s with
economic assistance, the USG had refrained
from providing military assistance without a
signature on an anti-Communism pact - US
policy being antagonistic to non-aligned
nations. This begins the USG's long
history of involvement in the internal
affairs of Afghanistan.
1970s, mid to late: "The Intelligence
Reform Era".
This is where the US government, after some of
the extent of past activities is revealed to
the public, sends up a wall of salvos hailing
reform, rehabilitation, and a new era in US
benevolence. It reflected a renewed dedication
to "plausible
deniability".
Longtime bigwhig
and hotspot bureaucrat Frank
Carlucci - later to be Deputy Director
of the CIA under Carter and Secretary of
Defense under Reagan - begins a stint as
Ambassador to Portugal immediately after the 1974
revolution, which came about due to shifts
in military demographics away from the
aristocracy towards working class conscripts,
who were then being sent off to fight
anti-colonial rebellions in Portugal's African
dependencies (Angola, Mozambique, et. al.).
Since World War II the USG had intermittently
supported the repressive, colonialist regime -
particularly under Nixon. When the Movement of
the Armed Forces (MFA), consisting mostly of
mid-rank officers who had no interest in dying
for somebody else's colonial enterprise, lead
a coup, the old government surrendered to the
relatively conservative General Spinola. The
US was initially unworried by these
developments, until Spinola appointed General
Vasco dos Santos Goncalves, who was a member
of Portugal's Communist Party, as his
replacement. The USG government then begins
supporting more conservative liberal-socialist
groups within the MFA, leading to strong
electoral victories in elections that are held
during 1975 and 1976.
No death squads or mass murders of
"suspected leftists", Portugal remained
within the "Western sphere" and became a
typical liberal-capitalist state, with the
economic disparities of the old system left
intact. It could have easily happened, if
Kissinger got his way. Given the
alternatives, or the
lack of them, one might agree with
Ambassador Robert Hunter:
I don't know if you remember,
Frank, when I worked for Sen. Ted Kennedy
and we visited Lisbon in November 1974
and, when we came back - against the
opposition of certain people in a certain
administration - the Senator got $50
million for Portugal. Frank Carlucci was
then sent out there to keep the lid on.
But he took the lid off and helped produce
democracy rather than a fall into
communism in Portugal. I'm not so sure,
Frank, that everybody's really thanked you
as much as they need to do so, but
Portugal is a free and democratic nation
to a great extent because of this
gentleman sitting here, to promote the
aspirations of peoples for democracy.
After 1976 the CIA continues assisting
South African backed nationalist rebels of
FNLA and UNITA, fueling a conflict against
the internationally recognized Angolan
government of the MPLA. Covert aid increases
dramatically after 1985, with over $50
million being delivered in 1989. At the same
time American oil companies are in Angola
being protected
by Cuban troops. The USG supported
violence resulted in over 100,000 deaths -
mostly civillian, by 1989, and amidst
cease-fire agreements continued to support
UNITA's efforts to prolong the conflict.
The West supports Suharto's killing
spree of hundreds of thousands of East
Timorese, exterminating somewhere on the order
of one third of the population in one of the
most thorough acts of genocide committed in
recent history. Expansive trade relations,
military aid, and the sale of arms to
Indonesisa continued unabated until
1999, and in 2002 began anew.
In 1989 the US congress passed a bill
prohibiting lethal aid to Pol Pot, long held
up as evidence for the evil of Communism.
Curiously it rarely is seen as evidence of
an utter, abject failure of US foreign
policy. In response to the Congressional
ban, the Whitehosue began directing arms
shipments to the Khmer Rouge through
Singapore.
In 1974 Spain began the process of
decolonization in its holdings in Western
Sahara and Northern Morocco, Arabs colonies on
the Atlantic coast of Africa, promising them
independence. Under pressure from the US,
which was concerned about a left-leaning
independence movement, Spain bowed out of the
question, allowing the Moroccan monarch to
invade and recolonize West Sahara. In
violation of international law, but with the
strong support of the United States, Morocco
has occupied West Sahara for nearly thirty
years,
and has the sardines to prove it.
The USG cooperates in what is, essentially, an
international conspiracy among dictorships the
US originally assisted to power in South
America to erradicate the remaining Latin
American left by any means necessary.
CIA backs unsuccessful military coup against Michael Manley
in 1976. Related activity leaves some 750
dead. Destabalizing trade measures and
interference in elections leads to Manley's
defeat in 1980. Manley returns to office in
1989 after he adopts Washington Consensus
approved economic programs.
Known for using
rape as an instrument of war, the use of
child soldiers, and assorted bloody
atrocities, Renamo
invades Mozambique, starting a civil war
(1976-1992) that killed some 1 million,
primarily civillians, and some 5 million were
displaced.
The USG indirectly supported Renamo through
the US-supported Rhodesian apartheid regime
of the late 70s that originally formed the
organization, and when Mugabe took control
and ended support for Renamo South Africa
took over assistance programs, rapidly
growing the organization and escalating
attacks on Mozambique. This continued
relatively unabaited until publicity of
Renamo's brutality moved Washington to put
pressure behind the 1984 Komati Treaty, a
largely unsuccessful attempt to curb South
African destabalization of Mozambique, which
continued covertly. Renamo received vocal
support and financial assistance from
numerous Western conservative
establishment figures (e.g. Jesse
Helms, Jack Kemp, Bob Dole, Pat Robertson)
and organizations (e.g. the Heritage
Foundation - which hosted Renamo's
Washington Office - and the Scaife
fund). Many intelligence establishment
figures were
also tied to Renamo.
South Africa was never named a "state
sponsor of terrorism", even after Renamo was
charged with genocide by Reagan's state
department, after the destabalization
campaign had helped bring about a shift in
Mozambique's political alliances towards the
West.
Under the Ford administration Argentina's
military dictatorship, involved in wide
ranging human rights abuses that were ignored
by Washington, received on the order of $30
million a year in military aid. Congress and
president Carter ended military support in
1978. This was reversed by Reagan in 1981 and
was ended again in 1982, after Argentina's
generals invaded the Falklands,
a British colony. After the war and the
consequential downfall of the military junta
the USG obstructed efforts to bring the
perpetrators to justice, using them later to
train and mobilize the Honduras military and
the contras - both groups implicated
in gross abuses of human rights. The USG
withheld extensive information relating to the
fate of the disappeared until 2002.
The Ethiopian monarch and founder of Rasta Haile Selassie
had been strongly
supported by the USG since 1953, when
defense pacts were signed giving the US access
to Kagnew, an ex-British military base. In
return the USG supplied massive arms shipments
to the Ethiopian monarch who was engaged in
suppressing resistance
movements in Eritrea, where Muslim
groups opposed Ethiopian hegemony over the
region. Earlier the UN had garunteed Eritrea
automony as part of a federalized Ethiopia,
but when Selassie took direct control over the
region in 1962 Muslim segments of the
population with ties to Somalia began a full
scale civil conflict. Selassie's brutal
policies to maintain control over Eritrea lead
to a massive refuge crisis, and to fund the
conflict turned to cash-crop agriculture,
creating a famine that killed over 100,000.
His policies also created a highly disaffected
middle class and officer corps in the military
that turned against him, with a military coup
taking place in 1974 by an authoritarian
leftist group called the Derg, eventually lead
by Major Mengistu Haile Mariam (one of 4,000
ethiopian troops and 20-some Derg members who
had recieved advanced training in the US). The
USG maintained ties and continued supplying
arms to the new regime, selling $35 million in
arms in 1974 and 1975 - essentially backing
the coup - citing the "arms imbalance in the
region" and Soviet influence in the Horn of
Africa (South Yemen and Somalia, among others,
were highly dependent on Soviet aid).
When the Soviet client Siad Barre in
Somalia invaded
the Ogaden in 1977 - a region it laid
claims to (along with northern Kenya and
Eritrea) because much of the local
populations were ethnically Somali due to
divide-and-conquer map drawing by the old
colonial powers - the Soviets began
supplying the Derg with massive military
assistance to resist the attack. Soviet and
Cuban assistance to a country under foreign
attack, of course, demonstrated another
"rising wave of Soviet aggression", though
Soviet support for brutal, aggressive
regimes in the region by
then was old hat.
The US, while also delivering arms to
Ethiopia, had not supplied enough to keep
Mengistu content, and the dictator turned to
the Soviets for aid entirely, and soon was
awash in Soviet arms and Cuban troops. The
Somali regime, catching wind of this, kicked
Soviet advisers and diplomats out of the
country and appealed to the US for
assistance. While Carter told Zbigniew
Brzezinksi to "move in every possible way to
get Somalia to be our friend", official US
policy - to avoid greater Soviet-US tension
and save face with African governments
opposed to the Somali invasion - did not
overtly support the Ogaden land grab,
remaining officially neutral while moving in
every other possible way, with numerous
Washington allies - including Iran,
Pakistan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia -
delivering aid to Somalia.
The Soviets supported Mengistu's murderous
regime and the 'Red Terror' in exchange for
those same British-built military bases,
Mengistu became a loyal client until he fell
from power in 1991 - though in the regime's
dying days during the collapse of the Soviet
bloc Israel moved to prop Mengistu up
because he was jolly good at suppressing
Islamic movements.
Once Somalia exited the Ogaden region the
US propped up the increasingly murderous
Somali regime in exchange for Soviet-built
military bases near Berbera. Siad Barre
became a loyal client until he fell from
power in 1991. The US finally left Somalia
after Barre's ouster. Along with the end of
Somalia's usefulness to Cold War geopolitics
came an end to US food aid, which the
country was highly dependent on because of
Barre's policies, which not two years later
lead to the US going
back in.
The super powers had swapped bed fellows to
protect sea lanes, nobody was at all
interested in "freedom", "democracy",
"independence", "socialism", or much of
anything besides making a particularly
backwards part of the world less pleasant, a
lot more famine ridden, and everybody was
worser for the wear.
Former Carter administration Secretary of
State claims that the US "induced" Soviet
invasion of Afghanistan:
According to the official
version of history, CIA aid to the
Mujaheddin began during 1980, that is to
say, after the Soviet army invaded
Afghanistan, Dec. 24, 1979. But the
reality, secretly guarded until now, is
completely otherwise: Indeed, it was July
3, 1979 that President Carter signed the
first directive for secret aid to the
opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in
Kabul. And that very day, I wrote a note
to the president in which I explained to
him that in my opinion this aid was going
to induce a Soviet military intervention.
--Zbigniew Brzezinski, 1998 interview
with Le Nouvel Observateur
He goes on, "What is most important to the
history of the world? The Taliban or the
collapse of the Soviet empire? Some
stirred-up Muslims or the liberation of
Central Europe and the end of the cold war?"
The answer to that question, in terms of
American security, by now should
be obvious.
Among other
testimony is CIA Director Robert Gates
('91-93) who made a similar claim in his
1996 memoirs, saying that the US started
aiding the mujahideen 6 months prior to the
Soviet invasion, initially funding what
would later become Operation CYCLONE to the
tune of $500
million [sounds dubiously high, verify
w/ source].
[Muhammad
Anvar Amin's recollections of the
start of the first uprisings in Nurestan
province were that they were
instigated by mujahadeen crossing the border
from Pakistan. John
Reagan, who would have been CIA
Station Chief when the US Embassy in
Islamabad was torched
by fundamentalists a month before the
Soviet invasion, according to Jim Huck, "met with
Hekmatyar in May 1979, seven months
before the Soviets moved into Kabul, and
agreed to make the first of many shipments
of arms to the rebel army". Reagan's
successor Howard Hart describes similar
efforts to Amin's in Charlie Wilson's
War] The program would eventually
recruit tens of thousands of Arab Muslims to
fight the Soviets.
These details make some rewriting of the
historical record of the Soviet invasion
necessary: usually it
is explained as an exercise of the
Breschnev doctrine in response to the
Iranian revolution creating an additional
independent power in the region that
threatened to break away southern Soviet
Republics in central asia. US support for
such elements in Afghanistan would give some
credence to Soviet claims of "armed
interference from the outside" [see: M.
Hassan Kakar, The
Soviet Invasion and the Afghan Response,
1979-1982. Why Did the Soviet Union
Invade?].
What is known is that shortly thereafter
the Soviets invade Afghanistan at the
"request" of a puppet government - which
never actually sent an invitation to those
100,000+ Soviet troops - and at the prodding
of Congressman Charlie Wilson (D-TX) the US
Government begins an escalating campaign of
support and organization for the Afghan
resistance in one of the largest covert
operations in history. Aid was partially
funnelled via US allies through Israel,
Egypt, and China, and in the mid-1980s the
Reagan administration organized matching
efforts - the total aid amounting to tens of
billions of dollars - from the Saudis. Most
support was directed through the Pakistani
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), which
supported the most radical Sunni-Islamist
currents within the Afghan
Mujahideen, with one fifth of the aid
going to just heroin
kingpinGulbuddin
Hekmatyar alone.
Another important player was Sheikh
Abdullah Yusuf Azzam. In charge of
Saudi recruiting efforts across the Muslim
world, he is introduced by the chief of
Saudi intelligence, Prince
Turki, to an aspiring database
administrator by the name of Osama bin
Laden, who maintained the human resources
records for their recruiting efforts out of
the Maktab
al-Khidamat (MAK, or Mujahideen
Services Bureau) and fundraising efforts
Together they recruit some 20-40,000
Muslims
from dozens of countries - with tens
of thousands more swept up in the
promotional fervor - to help fight the
Soviet occupation.
After the war, an Islamist Afghan student
movement organized, harbored, and supported
by the ISI takes control of most of
Afghanistan - known as the Taliban - by
1995. The civil war between the various
factions of anti-Soviet resistance is
devastating, destroying much of what little
was left of the country.
The conflict, furthermore, spills over from
Afghanistan, in terror attacks in the USSR,
India, and later the United States and
Europe, by the terrorist cells organized and
financed by the US-Suadi-Pakistani alliance.
Sudan's internal division between a Muslim
north and traditionalist/pagan/Christian south
- excuse for numerous civil wars and internal
strife - is a situation inherited from the
Sudan's colonial history as part of the
British Empire. Britain's
Southern Policy, creating and enforcing
the isolation and evangalism in the South
lasted into the 1950s. This has been an
underlying cause of subsequent Sudanese civil
wars, the latest beginning in 1983 and
continuing to the present, with millions of
associated casualties.
US involvement for the most part begins in
1979 - after Jafaar Nimeiry, the head of
state, broke relations with the Soviets and
shortly after Chevron became the
first to discover oil in the Sudan.
That year the USG begins drastically
increasing it's military sales and aid
to the Sudan, peaking at $100 million in
1982.
Jafaar had ended the previous,
brutal civil war between
Israeli-supported Southern rebels and the
Soviet supported central government in 1972
with the Addis Ababa accords, which had
guaranteed the South autonomy. The
Israeli-supported rebel movement Anya-Nya
would also play a role in Idi
Amin's Western-backed Ugandan coup in 1971.
With the discovery of oil deposits in the
South and US might backing him up Jafaar
begins weakening the basis for the peace
accords, dividing the autonomous South into
3 regions and redrawing borders to annex oil
deposits into the North, as well as projects
to redirect the Nile river's water resources
to irrigation projects in the same. This
move is accompanied by a hard shift to the
Islamist right in the early 80s, and Jafaar
declares shari'a law over the
Sudan and revokes Southern autonomy in 1983,
re-igniting the civil war. Chevron, facing
stiff resistance from Southern militant
groups such as the SPLA - supported by the
Soviet client in Ethiopia - had failed to
develop the fields fully, and after numerous
attacks suspended the project in 1984.
The US remains the largest supplier of
military equipment to the Islamist Sudanese
governent during the 1980s, supplying some
$120 million in military arms and equipment
between 1983 and 1988, along with additional
arms from friendly Arab clients. Military
aid is finally suspended by acts of congress
in 1990, after a coup in 1989 cancels
planned peace talks. Shortly thereafter, in
1992, Chevron sells it's Sudanese oil
concessions.
In the mid to late 90s the US would again
involve itself, with the Clinton
administration - supported by
congress and the Christian right -
beginning a policy of US
support for the SPLA in the mid to
late 90s with political, humanitarian,
non-lethal - and according to
some lethal - military support.
Curiously the Evangelical George W. Bush shifted policy away
from this, pressured, presumably, by
commercial interests - e.g. oil and gum
arabic.
1979-1990: Nicaragua,
"The Threat of a Good Example."
Continuing a long history of intervening
in Latin American affairs, the USG begins
waging a secret war against the Sandinistas in
1979 after the overthrow
of the oppressive Somoza regime. The
phrase "threat of a good example" comes from
the title of a 1985 Oxfam report by Dianna
Melrose, which outlined the successes of the
Sandinista government in addressing the
problems of Nicaragua's poor majority.
Nicaragua was immediately put under economic
embargo by the USG, as it pressures the IMF
and World Bank to halt or limit loans.
The 80s contra war is part of a long
list of transgressions against
Nicaraguan sovereignty. The contras, trained
and supported by the USG, tortured,
mutilated, raped, robbed, and otherwise
abused Nicaraguan civillians during a reign
of terror that was illegally funded through
US arms sales to Iran and hooking
Americans on cocaine, ironically
serving to assist the murderous ayatollahs
in Iran who came to power in the first place
due to 35 years of US-assisted oppression
and an explosion in drug-related violence in
the US. Ex-CIA analyst David MacMichael
testified before the World Court that the
CIA had repeatedly tried to fabricate
evidence of Soviet arms supplies.
The Sandinistas engaged in their own crimes
against humanity over the course of the
conflict - the forced
assimilation (the precursor program to
later hostilities), exploitation,
persecution, and mass expulsion of the
native Miskito population. While a
crime against humanity on it's own merits
this has little to do with the initiation of
hostilities by the US government against
Nicaragua, as they started long before
violence began on the Miskito coast (until
1981 indigenous groups were represented
in the Council of State), and in fact
offered up a facile justification for the
Sandinistas to make efforts to control the
area for fear of CIA recruitment of the
indigenous population and resources into the
contra struggle - as the CIA did to every
one of Nicaragua's neighbors. It's
relatively rare that defenders of the contra
war on these grounds will mention the
greater crimes against indigenous
populations taking place at
the same time by governments supported by
the USG, namely El Salvador and
Guatemala. As mentioned under the first
Guatemala entry the activities there between
1981 and 1983 were classified as genocide by
the UN Truth Commission. Of the three the
Sandinistas' attempts to resolve the
Nicaragua/Miskito conflict was "the
only serious effort at peace in Central
America" made. Likewise not only the
Sandinistas were attacking Miskitos, but in
Honduras and Costa Rica they were in turn
attacked by contra forces, as the indigenous
were no more interested in being assimilated
into the CIA than they were in a Marxist
inspired third world state. Reagan, Otto
Reich, and their Samoza puppets were not
defenders of indigenous rights by any
measure. Niether was Red
Lobster.
The US war against Nicaragua left it one of
the poorest countries in the world.
Democracy: \De*moc"ra*cy\,
n 1. Government by the people,
exercised either directly or through elected
representatives. 2. My ass.
"The Iran/contra investigation will
not end the kind of abuse of power that
it addressed any more than the Watergate
investigation did. The criminality in
both affairs did not arise primarily out
of ordinary venality or greed, although
some of those charged were driven by
both. Instead, the crimes committed in
Iran/contra were motivated by the desire
of persons in high office to pursue
controversial policies and goals even
when the pursuit of those policies and
goals was inhibited or restricted by
executive orders, statutes or the
constitutional system of checks and
balances."
Persuing economic relations with Eastern
European countries on the basis of distance
from Soviet foreign policy, Romania becomes a
leading beneficiary of US trade relations
through Most Favored Nation status, until
1988. By far the leading human rights abuser
in Eastern Europe, the dictatoral Nicholas
Ceausescu was the darling of Washington, and
the last Eastern European regime to dissolve
during the dissolution of the Soviet block, in
one of the most violent struggles to take
place in an otherwise largely peaceful process
of liberation and assimilation. Along with
most of the rest of Eastern Europe, Romania is
now chained to IMF policies, and their deleterious
effects.
Inconclusive ties to CIA in the assassination
of Walter
Rodney, opposition leader to Forbes
Burnham. Other allegations of electoral
interference, weirdness related to Jim Jones,
the usual economic exploitation, and
unreported CIA operations.
The US backs the Salvadorian junta's power
grab and subsequent reign of terror with
massive military aid and training, and without
dealing at any point with the underlying
causes of the violence. El Salvador becomes a
top recipient of US aid globally as death
squad activity proliferates. There are numbers
of political assassinations, including the
deaths of American aid workers, and between
78-81 some 35,000 civillians are murdered. One
of the most heinous military organizations was
the Atlacatl
Battalion. By the end of the civil war
in 1992 this number rises to 75,000, with over
a quarter of the population internally
displaced or in other countries as refugees,
the total figure for US military aid is $6
billion.
"People are not just killed
by death squads in El Salvador; they are
decapitated and then their heads are
placed on pikes and used to dot the
landscape. Men are not just disemboweled
by the Salvadoran Treasury Police; their
severed genitalia are stuffed into their
mouths. Salvadoran women are not just
raped by the National Guard; their wombs
are cut from their bodies and used to
cover their faces. It is not enough to
kill children; they are dragged over
barbed wire until the flesh falls from
their bones while parents are forced to
watch. The aesthetics of terror in El
Salvador is religious."
Shortly after Samuel Doe's overthrow of a
Liberian government ruled by a colonialist
oligarchy (descended from freed US slaves -
alternatively supported and exploited by the
US) he becomes the recipient of $500 million
in US support between 1980 and '85 despite
gross human rights abuses and the creation of
a military police state, almost double the
total US assistance Liberia received between
1962 and 1980.
During the 80s the US uses Liberia as a
staging area for attacks on Libya in Reagans
attempts to overthrow Qaddafi, and provides
a glut of US arms that preface
the seven year anti-Doe insurgency in
which hundreds of thousands were massacred
and some 800,000 became refugees and another
million become internally displaced. During
the carnage the US blocked UN peace-keeping
initiatives, refusing to contribute anything
to peace-making efforts until 1993.
1980: The Nojeh
Coup and the origins of the Iraq-Iran
war.
Some allege that the US gave Saddam Hussein a
green light to invade Iran, possibly even as
part of a plot to support the aborted Nojeh
coup against the revolutionary Iranian regime
of Ayatollah Khomeini. The US had broken off
relations with the Ba'athist regime it had
assisted to power after the Iraqis had joined
hostilities in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.
Signalling a shift undergoing in American
thinking after the revolution, however,
Carter's National Security Advisor Zbigniew
Brzezinski declared on April 14th, 1980, "We
see no fundamental incompatibility of
interests between the United States and
Iraq... we do not feel that American-Iraqi
relations need to be frozen in antagonisms."
Did Iraq seek American approval for an
invasion? Did Brzezinski respond positively?
Did the Carter administration share
intelligence on Iran with Iraq before the
invasion? There is some affirmative
evidence, though the details remain fuzzy:
Kenneth
R. Timmermann and former Iranian
President Abol Hassan Bani-Sadr argue
separately that Brzezinski met with Hussein
in July 1980 in Amman, Jordan, to discuss
joint efforts to oppose Iran. Hussein
biographer Said Aburish writes that the
Amman meeting did take place, but that
Hussein met with three CIA agents, not
Brzezinski.
In 1993 Christopher Hitchens quoted
Carter's CIA Director Admiral Stansfield
Turner as saying that "the CIA had known of
an impending invasion and had advised
President Jimmy Carter accordingly", and
follows quoting Gary Sick - a member of
Carter's National Security Council - "there
was a very strong view, especially from
Brzezinski, that in effect, Iran should be
punished from all sides. He made public
statements to the effect that he would not
mind an Iraqi move against Iran." Sick then
offered this reassuring apology, "We didn't
think he'd take all of Khuzistan in 1980." [*]
Both Timmermann (*,
"the Iraqis were very eager to get U.S.
approval for their invasion of Iran and they
dispatched senior government officials,
including their then-foreign minister, to
Saudi Arabia and to Amman, Jordan, to
consult with American officials to make sure
that we would not oppose the invasion of
Iran.") and Howard Teicher (*,
"They took the information that we provided
them about our assessments of the Iranian
military and provided it to Iraq. I believe
that some of that information contributed to
Saddam Hussein's decision to invade Iran in
the first place") claim the Carter
Administration passed Pentagon intelligence
assessments of Iran's debilitated military
capabilities to Saudi Arabia knowing they
would be passed to Iraq. Hitchens makes the
identical claim, citing a 1980 report in the
London Financial Times.
Further corroboration from a Saudi source
of pre-invasion intelligence sharing by the
Carter Administration is noted by Archer
Montague:
Additional evidence suggesting
the sharing of intelligence between the US,
Saudi Arabia, and Iraq can be found in a
2006 biography of Saudi Prince Bandar bin
Sultan. In it, Bandar describes his role as
a fighter pilot for the Royal Saudi Air
Force during the early days of the conflict.
Bandar recalled, "I remember we worked with
the Iraqis to give them AWACS [US high
altitude reconnaisannce] information, as
they [the Iraqis] were going to hit targets
in the southern part of Iran. I remember
them landing in Saudi Arabia where we
refueled them so that they could go back
home ... Of course, within a couple of years
of that war ... I went to Washington,
initially for the AWACS deal, and then to
become military attache there." According to
Bandar's timeline, this places the Saudis
giving AWACS intelligence to Iraq during the
fall of 1980.
Finally, Robert Parry reported in 1996 on a
declassified 1981 memo written by
Secretary of State Alexander Haig to Reagan,
stating "IT WAS ALSO INTERESTING TO CONFIRM
THAT PRESIDENT CARTER GAVE THE IRAQIS A
GREEN LIGHT TO LAUNCH THE WAR AGAINST IRAN
THROUGH FAHD."
Bizarrely, Saddam's act of naked aggression
against Iran in September 1980 was never
included in the charges levelled
against him during the war-crimes tribunal
in occupied Iraq. No doubt this is related
to the fact that the United States never
considered that act of naked aggression a
crime in the first place.
At the same time the US was supplying Iran
through Iran-Contra over the course of the
conflict, keeping Iran in the war by
supplying them with the parts necessary to
keep the massive military apparatus built up
during the Shah's regime in service.
The deadly support to Iraq included
increasing supplies
of chemical and biological agents well
after the first reports of chemical weapon
attacks against civillian Kurds in northern
Iraq and against Iranian troops in the Gulf
War. The first reaction was to deny the
accounts. The second reaction was to declare
any response to the attacks as "premature".
The third response was to sharply escalate
the delivery of arms and chemical and
biological agents.
After the Senate unanimously passed the
"Prevention of Genocide Act of 1988", which
would have cut Iraq off from US loans,
military, non-military assistance, credits,
credit guarantees, items subject to export
controls, and U.S. imports of Iraqi oil the
Reagan administration worked to kill the
bill in the House, successfully prevented
its passage and drastically escalated arms
shipments to Saddam to help put down a
Kurdish insurgency. The US government, as 1983
State Department memos show, knew that
Iraq was acquiring chemical weapons from
Western firms, including the US, and it had
confirmed that Iraq was using those same
chemical weapons in the Iraq-Iran war since
October 1982 and against Kurdish insurgents
since mid-1983.
With public denunciations of chemical
weapons in 1984 came efforts
to strengthen the relationship with Saddam:
the USG would "improve bilateral relations,
at a pace of Iraq's choosing" regardless of
chemical weapons. Up until the 1991 invasion
of Kuwait the US continued selling chemical
and biological weapons to Iraq, and had
assisted in their deployment up until the
end of the Iraq-Iran war in 1988.
UNSC denunciations - in the form of
non-binding UN Presidential statements - of
the use of chemical weapons were voted
against by the US in 1986. No resolution was
attempted because of veto threats. Even
after international banks had cut off Iraq
in 1989 due to attacks on Kurdish
populations the USG issued NSD 26 mandating
closer links with Iraq and $1 billion in
agricultural loan guarantees. Dozens of arms
and technology shipments were authorized.
Directives issued by the Iraqi government
in June 1987, according to Human Rights
Watch, "lay out, in the most explicit
detail, a prohibition on all human life in
designated areas of the Kurdish countryside,
covering more than 1,000 villages, to be
applied through a shoot-to-kill order for
which no subsequent higher authorization is
required."
Between 1975 and April 23rd, 1989 hundreds
of thousands of Kurds had been slaughtered
by the Ba'ath regime. In 2003 there was
finally an official response, when
US support for Saddam's late 80s campaign
of genocide was used to justify the
2003 US invasion of Iraq.
Turkey becomes a long-running top recipient of
US foreign military aid shortly after the 1980
coup, upon which time the new regime
passes several laws banning cultural and
literary expression of Kurdish identity: the
Kurdish language becomes illegal, as were
Kurdish broadcasts, publications, and other
means of cultural expression - everything down
to Kurdish first names (until
August 2002, when such restrictions
began being lifted with some relationship to
reality under European pressure, though still
not much).
Out from under the harsh state repression a
Kurish seperatist movement forms in 1984,
which the Turkish government duly attempts
to wipe out with violence. Throughout the
conflict, which by any standard is an
explicit campaign of outright cultural
genocide, Turkey remains a top recipient of
US military support. In fact military aid
escalates through the counter-insurgency
campaign, in which some of the most brutal
tactics are largely dependent on lethal
resources generously delivered by the USG.
The war against Kurdish society and the PKK
forcibly evacuated anywhere between 500,000
to 2,000,000 Kurds and killed over 30,000;
Turkish military razed entire villages as
part of the force evacuation program,
burning nearly all Kurdish villages in
southeast Turkey to the ground by the end of
the campaign. Uncritical, unconditional
support for Turkey continued despite ongoing
political repression and numerous human
rights abuses, including the use of torture,
"virginity
exams", and racist governmental
policies.
The PKK in the meantime has the onerous
distinction of being considered freedom
fighters when in Iraq and terrorists when in
Turkey, demonstrating once again Western
politicians' inability to just call an
indigenous nationalist movement an
indigenous nationalist movement.
After the capture of the PKK's top leader
the conflict diminished in intensity, but
the conflict remains largely unsettled in
terms of general Turkish repression of the
Kurdish population.
US supports the regime of Hissene Habre,
including CIA paramilitary support for his
coup. While supporting Chad's resistance to
Libyan incursions, the Reagan and Bush
administrations turned a blind eye as Habre's
secret police slaughtered some 40,000 Chadians
and tortured as many as 300,000 others.
1982: Guatemala
Gen. Efra?n R?os Montt stages successful coup
in Guatemala, Reagan increases military aid.
CIA allegedly organizes unsuccessful coup
attempts against Colonel Desi Bouterse under
authorization from President Reagan (such
authorization was testified to before the
House and Senate Intelligence Committees by
William Casey). In 1983 Netherlands security
agencies uncover a plot by Florida based
groups - often CIA assets for targetting Cuba
- to invade the country.
1983: Guatemala
US trainee Oscar Mej?a V?ctores replaces
General Montt in another coup.
This is an interesting, somewhat unique case
of US intervention, primarily because of the
combined factors involving a) what appeared to
be an actual Communist coup b) in a country
receiving aid, both before and after, from
Cuba (as well as from Britain - they were
assisting Grenada in the construction of
Grenada's first airport, to boost tourism, and
which after the invasion the US later assisted
in finishing (for tourism)) c) Army and Marine
forces were deployed in a much-hyped,
non-secret invasion without an accompanying
entourage of journalists and d) the casualties
altogether numbered under 500.
The liberal government under Bishop had
been blacked out from aid and economically
by the US, and when Bishop was assassinated
in a nearly bloodless coup the US government
fabricated a PR blitz to facillitate an
overthrow of the new government and
installment of another more in line with US
interests.
1984-1990: Honduras
The US pressures Honduras into hosting and
training Nicaraguan contras in return for aid
money. By 1985 President Suazo Cordova is
receiving on the order of $230 million a year
from his US partners. Death
squad activity and human rights abuses
drastically increased shortly after.
In an attempted assassinaton of Sheikh
Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah the CIA plants a
car bomb near a mosque, killing 80 civilians
and wounding 200 more, and, coincidentally,
missing Fadlallah.
1986: Libya
Air strikes against Libya, meant as a reprisal
for Qaddafi's
support of "terrorism" (one should
ignore US "non-lethal" support for Libyan
exile groups waging terrorism against Libya
and the American attacks from 1981 to 1984)
and as a limited implementation of plans to
overthrow Qaddafi developed by the CIA under
Reagan's direction in 1985 (dropped when the
plans were leaked to the Washington Post)
[*].
The US begins channeling increasing amounts of
military aid into Haiti, supporting the
represssive military of the failing
Jean-Claude Duvalier dictatorship. The
Duvaliers' brutal regimes had been supported
by the US since it came to power in 1957, it
was responsible for some 40-60,000 deaths
through the death squads, known as the Tonton
Macoutes. The CIA, at the same time,
begins pouring an equal amount of money
backing the elections of military candidates
until Congress puts a hold on the campaign
financing in the late 1980s, and in 1990 a
Catholic priest, Jean-Bertrand
Aristide, is elected to the presidency.
His term is cut short by a military coup later
that same year and Artistide lives in exile
until he is able to return with "assistance"
from the US.
With friends like us how can it go wrong?
The CIA
formed FRAPH in the early 1990s, a
paramilitary death squad headed by Emmanuel
Constant that launched a terror
campaign against Artistide's
supporters.
Facing domestic opposition against the coup
the Clinton administration began making
motions against the military dictatorship,
culminating in UN authorization of a
military intervention and threats to use
force, all the while supplying the military
junta with oil in contradiction to its own
Presidential Directives and with General
Raoul Cedras - the coup leader - still on
the CIA's payroll. The eventual change in
policy hinged largely on ousted President
Aristide's promises to enact the economic
policies of his Washington backed opponent
in the 1991 election, Marc Bazin. Cedras
responded to the threats of force and loss
of US support by issuing a letter to former
President Jimmy Carter requesting
negotiations. In the accords Cedras agreed
to step down, and the military invasion
became a peacekeeping mission to return
Aristide to his broken nation.
Numerous human rights abusers from the
military leadership (General Raoul Cedras,
General Prosper Avril, Colonel Carl
Dorelian, and Emmanuel Constant) took exile
in the US after Artistide's re-instatement.
These men have never
been extradited.
Unlike the highly laudible open-arms policy
towards Cuban refugees, Haitian refugees -
with the apparent exception of those
suspected of crimes against humanity - are
sent back, to stay and suffer under the
violence of whatever government has lately
been appointed by the "international
community". Preventing Haitian refugees from
reaching the Florida coast is one of the
overriding goals of US policy towards the
poorest country in the Western Hemisphere.
In 1988 the USG places an embargo on Panama,
after the DEA indicts the US client Noriega on
drug trafficking charges. Bush sends 26,000 US
troops to invade Panama, killing thousands of
Panamanians before capturing a CIA-employee of
30 odd years and bringing him to Florida to
stand trial. Of all the charges brought only
one took place after 1984, and the US
government had known he was involved in the
drug trade since 1972.
After years of helping Noriega steal
elections despite his well-known abuses,
this explanation for his removal does not
suffice, nor is it explained as a response
to violence against Americans, except
as an indication of Noriega's recent
unwillingness to follow US orders, in part concerning the canal.
His being a thug, and a relatively minor
one, was exaggerated to raise public support
for the invasion - that the worst human
rights abuses were committed by US trained
forces is never mentioned.
Regardless of US motivation the
intervention may well have been justified,
as would operations to oust the US-assisted
dictators in El Salvador, Honduras, Chile,
etc., all of whom had far worse records of
drug trafficing and/or human rights abuse.
These having had hand-picked US agents
committing the atrocities, no such
operations occurred.
Since at least 1988 the US has been fucking
with Columbia's internal politics and backing
state sponsored and paramilitary violence,
well beyond any legal involvement in the "war
on drugs" or anything justifying the rape of
another South American country, considering
the military we're supporting is part of the
drug racket and that the people profiting the
most off the trade, both in arms and drugs,
are Americans.
The violence between FARC and the Columbian
military/paramilitary has pushed Columbia's
inhabitants deep into poverty, causing cocoa
production to explode as farmers move away
from what is now unsustainable crop
development, exacerbated further by US scorched
earth polices, carried out by DynCorp
[2].
Caught in the middle of the violence are
various Columbianautonomousmunicipalities.
" In Colombia, it is well
known that those who profit the most from
the drug trade are members of the armed
forces, the police, government officials,
and the "big businessmen" of the urban
centers.
The FARC taxes coca, a far cry from
trafficking. The FARC also taxes gas,
peanuts and furniture.
Coca also is the only crop left that
keeps the campesinos' heads above water.
The peasant who grows standard crops
will have an average annual income of
around $250 a year. With coca, they can
feed a family on $2,000 a year. These
are not robber barons. ...
After reflection on my two decades
plus of service, I am convinced that I
only served the richest one percent of
my country."
What might so obviously be considered one of
the bright spots in 20th century history
probably deserves some reflection, for
example, Russian President Vladmir Putin's statement
in April of 2005 that:
"First and foremost it is worth
acknowledging that the demise of the Soviet
Union was the greatest geopolitical
catastrophe of the century. As for the
Russian people, it became a genuine tragedy.
Tens of millions of our fellow citizens and
countrymen found themselves beyond the
fringes of Russian territory. The epidemic
of collapse has spilled over to Russia
itself."
It would probably be safer to say that it
was the events subsequent to the
collapse - guided thoroughly by American
economic advisers - that were tragic.
"Oil is unique in that it is so
strategic in nature. We are not talking
about soapflakes or leisurewear here. Energy
is truly fundamental to the world's economy.
The Gulf War was a reflection of that
reality."
Saddam Hussein was poster-child for the "Our
Kind of Guy" militant dictators club, and was
supported by the US throughout his numerous
violations of human rights, chemical and
biological weapons use against Kurds, and
numerous other travesties of justice. He
invades western-oil-producing ally Kuwait over
a border and debt dispute left over from the
US fueled Iran-Iraq war, conflicting with the
interests of American big-business and
initiating in retalliation the usual
disinformation campaign (read: Official
Government Lies; Wag
the Dog) to fuel support for a war that
resulted in some 200,000 Iraqi dead
and buried. Allied casualties were
initially low, but side effects from unknown
causes related to the war have affected
the lives of hundreds of thousands of veterans
since the end of the war.
Despite a perfectly valid justification
(that being Iraq did exactly what the US,
via April
Glaspie [*]
and other channels, greenlighted:
invade Kuwait) pursuit of the war involved
the usual list of infractions in targetting
civillian infrastructure and blocking
humanitarian supplies through the embargo.
Otherwise it can be seen as the invetiable
outcome of past US policy in the region:
unequivocal support for Iraq through worse
atrocities than its Kuwaiti invasion, and
including funding the provision to Iraq of
the fourth largest standing army in the
world prior to the Gulf War.
Following the Gulf War the US advances through
the UN the most severe sanctions program in
history and initiates a similarly unique
decade-long bombing campaign. Between the war,
bombing and sanctions the US sent a
once-modern nation back to the dark ages.
The campaign of indiscriminate destruction
during the Gulf War wiped out 90% of Iraq's
water supplies and was responsible for
deaths of some 100,000
to 600,000
children under the age of 5, nevermind other
mounting casualties and suffering among the
civillian population, and making them
depedent upon the state for survival. Two
directors of the UN humanitarian program in
Iraq, Dennis
Halliday and Hans
von Sponeck, resigned in protest of
the destruction of civillian life wreaked by
the sanctions regime, calling them
"genocidal".
Because of such "efforts" Hussein's grip
over southern Iraq, if anything, tightened.
A much touted Iraqi defector, Saddam's
son-in-law Hussein Kamel, reported in 1995
that shortly after the Gulf War Iraq
destroyed its unconventional weapons.
Few actual weapons were
found by UNSCOM, no actual chemical
weapons were found that the Iraqi government
didn't lead inspectors to, and there
certainly wasn't anything
like the Whitehouse claimed in 2003. Despite
Iraqi
manuevering both the IAEA and UNSCOM
were highly successful in destorying
remaining bits and pieces of potential
weapons programs, preventing the
reconstitution of weapons programs, and
verifying that much of Iraq's armaments had
been unilaterally destroyed by Iraq. What
remained were elements the UN had evidence
of, but which Iraq had destroyed their own
documents on, making it impossible to
definitively prove the program's destruction
in 1991. Instead Iraq simply insisted the
programs didn't exist.
Rather than seeking disarmament US policy
was that sanctions be
conditional on regime
change rather than disarmament per the
UN mandate. Complicating the matter further
the US was using
inspections for
that purpose, making the regime
justifiably paranoid about exposure to
weapons inspections. Paradoxically the
situation feared by successive US
administrations was that Iraq actually prove
that it had disarmed in 1991 and begin
normalizing relations with its neighbors.
More a sin of ommission, but US economists
played a part in developing the reform plan
that more or less knocked the Russian economy
back to 1916: Jeffrey
Sachs v. Joe
Stiglitz on alternatives to 'shock
therapy'.
1992-95: Balkans
There are a number of prevailing narratives
about international involvement in the
Balkans that are difficult to sort out, all
are convincingly wrong and few spread the
blame as generously as it ought to be. One
of the few notable exceptions is Burg
& Shoup. Relevant to following
policy planning is noting continued
Washington support for mujahideen through
the 90s, continuing from the Afghan-Soviet
conflict, that becomes so key to future US
policy when the same groups turned
increasingly against the master:
During 1992-95, the Pentagon
helped with the movement of thousands of
mujahideen and other Islamic elements from
Central Asia, even some Turks, into Europe
to fight alongside Bosnian Muslims against
the Serbs.
"It was very important in the rise of
mujahideen forces and in the emergence of
current cross-border Islamic terrorist
groups who think nothing of moving from
state to state in the search of outlets
for their jihadi mission. In moving to
Bosnia, Islamic fighters were transported
from the caves of Afghanistan and the
Middle East into Europe; from an outdated
battleground of the Cold War to the major
world conflict of the day; from being
yesterday's men to fighting alongside the
West's favored side in the clash of the
Balkans. If Western intervention in
Afghanistan created the mujahideen,
Western intervention in Bosnia appears to
have globalized it."
This is a quotation from a Dutch
government report after investigations,
prepared by Professor C Wiebes of
Amsterdam University, into the Srebrenica
massacre of July 1995, entitled
"Intelligence and the War in Bosnia",
published in April 2002.
--Charles William Maynes, Foreign
Policy no. 68, 1995.
Depending on who you talk to it may have
been for humanitarian
assistance, the hunt
for black gold (the suggestion here
being that big oil wanted a stable Somalia
for commercial reasons, which doesn't negate
the humanitarian cause; also big oil has
these kinds of claims everywhere. I have a
hard time seeing oil interests would have a
serious impact on war-making policy unless
the oil has already been found and American
oil companies need encouragement in securing
a claim), geopolitics
(something more or less refuted by military
command, who are in turn refuted by the US
military presence in Somalia from 1980 to
1991, and Ethiopia prior to that), or more
likely an ill-fated combination of propaganda,
politics, the arms trade, and military
budget security (humanitarian
assistance on up and up in polls and somehow
legitamizes $275 billion in military
spending; famine already on the wane at the
date of force deployment; history of US/USSR
juggling
Ethiopia and Somalia combined with the
debt crisis imposed by the international
community leads to national implosion and
civil war that created the necessity of
humanitarian assistance in the first place,
etc etc).
Whatever the remaining likelihood of good
intentions in our intervention in Somalia
the possibility of a positive role for the
US to play in such operations has been
consistently undermined by the foolish
imperative in US foreign policy - were we
were to take its self-appointed role as
"do-gooder" seriously - that any threat,
minor as they might be, be crushed with
overwhelming force.
During a US initiated mission (which had
not been cleared through the UN) to capture
General Mohammed Farah Aideed 18 US Rangers
under US command were killed, 34 American
troops during the entire engagement, leading
to the US withdrawal from the UN mission to
Somalia in 1994. The UN, of course, was
blamed.
US and France support military coup that
overthrows Algeria's first elected government
(the Islamic Salvation Front). The coup spurs
an insurgency, and in the resulting conflct
some 100,000 civillians are killed.
Beginning in 1993 with Kazakhstan the US
begins pumping military and economic aid to
numerous dictatorships in and around Central
Asia, effectively - with cooperative
assistance from Russia that has the same
effect - stabalizing tyrannical dictatorships,
mostly left overs from the Soviet era. The
unconditional aid, unlinked to human rights or
democratization reforms with exceptions such
as assistance for anti-nuclear proliferation
projects, increases year by year through the
late 90s as violent repression of dissent and
religious prosecution continue unabaited - the
purpose of the aid being for exactly that: to
keep the former Soviet Republics in Moscow's
orbit (now a partner in Western-dominated
international systems) and from forming ties
with neighboring independent regimes in Iran
and Afghanistan, with whom the largely Muslim
inhabitants have far more in common.
After 2001 and the 'war on terror'
assistance takes a dramatic leap, with
Uzbekistan - one of the worst of the lot -
receiving in 2004 the total amount of
military assistance it had between 1994 and
2001. The Uzbeki state recieved on the order
of $500 million in total US funding in 2003,
some $79 million of which is earmarked
for torture as a routine investigation
technique: "People have less freedom
here than under Brezhnev. The irony is that
the US Republican party is supporting the
remnants of Brezhnevism as part of their
fight against Islamic extremism."
Such aid effectively divorces any ties of
common interest between the population and
the state, allowing regimes to ruthlessly
crack down with impunity and with little
fear of popular overthrow. Development aid
meant to build what is losely called 'civil
society' and other "democratization"
programs are rendered meaningless by the
bribes necessary to allow such programs
access to the country - as well as often
being mere accessories to narrow US
interests, such as most NED funding for
"party building" campaigns.
Depending on the size of the bribes
necessary to compel leaders to allow access
- entirely a regime-by-regime consideration
- such that similar Western engagement in
Georgia assisted in the overthrow
of a corrupt regime, replaced with one
more oriented towards the West. The idea
that engagement had delivered such a success
by itself is misleading: Washington had also
withdrawn its support for the regime itself
preceeding the coup, even while backing
utterly fraudulent elections in Azerbaijan
around the same time, as the present tyranny
in charge there maintains satisfactory
levels of subservience to Washington - which
is the critical factor in Washington's
decisionmaking. Various brands of analysis,
including the WSJ which hardly differs from
this narrative, are available here.
The following links to human rights reports
for 2003 and lists the
2004 budget appropriations for military
training and financing, along with
total amounts of overt military aid between
1991-2001, to some of the regimes in
question - longstanding allied tyrannies
such as Pakistan are not included:
The aid is accompanied by the slight
rustling sound of human rights reforms, but
with no progress to show for it the aid
levels continued rising. Ostensibly this is
part of an anti-terror campaign, but in
effect US military assistance and boondoggle
economic loans from the WB/IMF racket serve
to legitamize and prop up the regime, sever
the regime's ties to the population by
making them independent of popular support,
nevermind granting the regime greater
capabilities for repressing its population
with state terror. This is just trading
tyranny for tyranny, rather than making some
sort of progress. The result is rising anger
towards US policies that will likely
increase the terrorist threat such support
is meant, ostensibly, to prevent.
The US unilaterally prevents UN intervention
and refuses to act itself, even minimally,
during the Rwandan genocide of some 75% of the
Tutsi population, which - unlike in
the past when genocidal violence
occurred between Tutsi and Hutu in Burundi 20
odd years earlier - was possible and largely
supported by many other governments.
USG trains and uncritically supports Croatian
military forces, under the tyrant Franjo
Trudjman, during the ethnic cleansing of some
200,000 ethnic Serbian civillians from the
southern province of Krajina
in Operation Storm and Operation
Flash, slaughtering thousands of the
elderly too weak to flee the area and
destroying the bulk of Serbian villages - a
campaign that possibly involved US
air support.
"We did not think that kind of
attack could do anything other than create
a lot of refugees and cause a humanitarian
problem. On the other hand, it always had
the prospect of simplifying matters."
"Crash! boom! flash! .... For the past
two weeks, the sounds of bombing have
brought smiles to Sarajevans. The bombs
are being dropped not by their enemies but
by their protectors: the United States,
France, Britain and other members of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)."
Dyncorp and MPRI are US defense
contractors who were hired by the US during
the Balkan crisis to evade restrictions
imposed on the use of US military:
"In Bosnia, employees of DynCorp were
found to be operating
a sex-slave ring of young women who
were held for prostitution after their
passports were confiscated. ....
In Croatia, MPRI was brought in to
provide border monitors in the early
1990's. Then, in 1994, as the United
States grew concerned about the poor
quality of the Croatian forces and their
ability to maintain regional stability,
it turned to MPRI. A United Nations arms
embargo in 1991, approved by the United
States, prohibited the sale of weapons
or the providing of training to any
warring party in the Balkans. But the
Pentagon referred MPRI to Croatia's
defense minister, who hired the company
to train its forces.
In 1995, MPRI started doing so,
teaching the fledgling army military
tactics that MPRI executives had
developed while on active duty
commanding the gulf war invasion.
Several months later, armed with this
new training, the Croatian army began
Operation Storm, one of the bloodiest
episodes of "ethnic cleansing" in the
Balkans, an event that also reshaped the
military balance in the region.
The operation drove more than 100,000
Serbs from their homes in a four-day
assault. Investigators for the
international war crimes tribunal in the
Hague found that the Croatian army
carried out summary executions and
indiscriminately shelled civilians. "In
a widespread and systematic matter,
Croatian troops committed murder and
other inhumane acts," investigators said
in their report. Several Croatian
generals in charge of the operation have
been indicted for war crimes and are
being sought for trial."
US trained and funded death squads to
terrorize indigenous population of Chiapas,
part of continued centuries long violence
against indigenous Americans by the US
government and its client states. Through
various means the US has supported Mexico's
'low-intensity' war
on the ELZN.
US Cruise Missile strikes against an alleged
chemical weapons factory turns out to be the Al-Shifa
pharmaceutical plant responisble for the
manufacture of over half of Sudan's drug
production, producing medicines at 20 percent
of world market prices. The strike killed at
least one and injured others. Independent
investigation of the site was blocked by the
US, and with Sudan already under sanctions the
loss of available medical supplies had
detrimental effects on health in the region
causing an explosion in otherwise easily
treatable diseases, the full extent of the
human cost is impossible to ascertain because
of the US prevention of independent
investigations.
There are widespread reports that before
and after the attack that Sudan repeatedlyoffered
to assist
the US in counter-terrorism efforts and
offered files on Bin Laden (who was in Sudan
until 1996). The US ignored these offers,
apparently up until the 9/11 WTC and
Pentagon attacks.
The World Court ruling finds the US in
violation of international law for the Reagan
administration's support of the contra war in
Nicaragua. The US disregards the ruling out of
hand, despite having recognized the court's
authority at its inception; further proving
the hypocrisy in the US stance towards the
rule of law, nevermind the hypocrisy of
constant rhetoric about freedom, democracy,
and of all things "justice".
Similar rulings and condemnations of US
actions in Nicaragua were levied by both the
UN Security Council (except for a US veto)
and General Assembly (minus the US, Israel
and El Salvador).
In Kosovo, Kosovar Albanians, lead by Ibrahim
Rugova, persued non-violent resistance
to Serb rejection of Kosovar autonomy up
until their exclusion from the US-lead
Dayton accords, which discredited Rugova's
non-violent tactics and lead to the rise of
the KLA, a previously unpopular and violent
extremist group founded in 1991 (possibly
supported by US and German intelligence
services, see Operation
ROOTS). The KLA began attacking Serb
targets, leading to predictably harsh
retalliation by Serb forces. In 1990
Kosovars had voted overwhelmingly to declare
their independence - forming Rugova's
clandestine government - and later, in 1992,
abstained from voting in the Yugoslav
election, leading to the re-election of
Milosevic and guarunteeing continued
repression by the FYR. Through all of this,
until the KLA rose out of the ashes of
Rugova's government, while the USG
essentially ignored
Milosevic's violent repression of non-violent democratic
movements.
The NATO intervention in 1999 was the
result of a massive state-led
propaganda campaign, where the crimes
being committed the year previous to the
bombing campaign were exaggerated a hundred
fold, the crimes themselves deriving in part
from Western unresponsiveness to the large
pacifist movement that had - previous to its
exclusion from the 1995 Dayton accords -
been preventing violent factions from
gaining wide support from the population but
could not prevent eventual NATO support for
the violent factions. In the demonization
game inconvenient facts were wiped off the
slate, an obvious example would be the
massive numbers of Serbian refugees - who
prior to the NATO campaign were the largest
refugee population in the FYR according to
NYT correspondent David Binder (Mediterranean
Quarterly, Spring 1996).
UN
Resolution 1203, passed in 1998,
demanded that the FRY and KLA comply with
previous resolutions and called for mutual
ceasefires. Abstaining UNSC members Russia
and China did not consider 1203 to authorize
the use of force and had threatened to veto
any resolution that would do so. NATO
members asserted otherwise, though the
resolution says absolutely nothing with
regard to the use of force by outside
parties. Subsequent negotiations over the Rambouillet
accords in early 1999 broke
down over NATO demands (in Appendix B)
that required freedom of movement for NATO
forces and immunity from legal prosecution
throughout the entirety of the FRY -
essentially demanding a surrender of FRY
sovereignty never demanded by the
appropriate body, the UNSC, or agreeable to
the conflicting parties. Shortly thereafter
bombing strikes were intiated to 'prevent a
humanitarian catastrophe'.
The single crime listed in the indictment
of Milosevic that occurred previous to the
bombing campaign itself was the massacre of
45 residents of Racak, Kosovo. After the
bombing campaign had begun in March, to
ostensibly prevent further atrocities,
atrocities escalated dramatically. In March
there was an estimated 450,000 internally
displaced ethnic Albanians inside the
country - a number resulting from intercene
violence between the KLA and FRY. When the
NATO bombing began these numbers quickly
swelled as 750,000 refugees fled the country
and an additional 250,000 people were
internally displace. The allied commander
Wesley Clark stated three days into the
campaign that the dramatic intensification
of ethnic cleansing that was underway "was
entirely predictable at this stage",
contradicting the expressed intent to
prevent further atrocity and effacing any
possible humanitarian purpose the
intervention may have had. Numerous others
(CIA Director George Tenet, Italian Prime
Minister Massimo D. Alema, military
officials, human rights organizations, etc.)
had made similar warnings prior to the
bombing campaign.
Before the campaign began, of course, there
was little evidence for the existence of any
humanitarian intent. Looking at USG policies
during the same time period elsewhere in the
world suggests that, if anything, the
opposite is the case. Far worse atrocities
occurred in Rwanda
where Clinton obstructed any attempt by the
UN to intervene, the US-lead sanctions
on Iraq were still eating away at
Iraqi society from the inside out, and
likewise East
Timor (where the long awaited response
that finally occurred, after many delays,
with minimal effort was late
by over 25 years) - where the US again
obstructed efforts to prevent atrocity,
despite the ease with which it could have
done so - and Turkey
and Israel
and Columbia,
where in all three cases equal or worse
tradgedies were occurring with the active
support of the US goverment.
Persuing the bombing campaign lead to the
removal of humanitarian organiations -
international observation and relief workers
- that put some restraints on Serb forces:
their removal was officially denounced by
the Serbian government. After the 4th week
of bombing NATO ran out of military targets
and held a conference in which it was
decided to engage targets in the FYR and
generally expand the bombing to civillian
infrastructure [a timeline of indiscriminate
bombing]: The bombing of electric and
water facilities, factories, residential
districts, broadcasting stations, area
bombing, and the use of cluster bombs and
depleted uranium. From
a report by the Independent International
Commission on Kosovo the NATO bombing
resulted in the following:
"59 bridges (seven on the Danube), nine
major highways (including Belgrade-Nis or
Belgrade-Zagreb), and seven airports were
destroyed. Most of the main
telecommunications transmitters were
damaged, two thirds of the main industrial
plants were nearly destroyed. According to
NATO, 70% of the electricity production
capacity and 80% of the oil refinery
capacity was knocked out."
The conditions for ceasing the bombing
campaign was not a cease
fire to end the atrocities but the unnegotiated
surrender of Milosevic, hence the
continuation of the bombing regardless of
Milosevic's proposition
for a ceasefire in late March, which
came a week after the bombing began - just
as Clinton had predicted before the campaign
and contradicting the IICK's and others'
similar claims that "After four weeks of
bombing, the Yugoslav leadership still would
not respond to negotiation proposals."
The result of the campaign has been the
placement of more or less permanent US
military bases, such as Camp
Bondsteel [*],
placed throughout the region, yet "some
Western diplomatic sources scoff
at
the idea of Kosovo having any real
strategic value." One strategic value,
as many commentators noted, was by doing
something it maintained a technically
defunct organization's existence - which
having no enemy set to invade Western Europe
must find new reasons for existence - i.e.
NATO and its "credibility".
NATO bombs "killed
about 1,200 civilians - or one civilian
for every 10 tons dropped", a ratio
"remarkably similar to that of ... Vietnam".
Like Vietnam unexploded
ordinance from over 1300 cluster bombs
will produce further casualties for years
down the road. The bombing campaign, an
atrocity itself, increased "predictably" the
ongoing atrocity of Serbian
counter-insurgency operations in Kosovo to
the scale of ethnic cleansing. Regardless of
whatever good intentions might have
vocalized, in human terms the Kosovo
intervention was an abject and utter
failure. The situation since the bombing
hasn't improved, in fact, it's
gotten much worse.
Beginning in 2001 the USG begins working to
weaken and topple the elected
government (the 'tyrannical dictatorship
of a failed state', if you rely
on American journalism) of Haiti by severing all aid to the
government, but continuing to materially
support the elite "opposition" parties (one of
which is lead by American businessman Andre
Apaid) and quite
possibly funnelling American arms to
allied ex-junta members through the Dominican
Republic.
The ex-junta had originally been trained,
organized, and funded by US intelligence
services and had killed thousands of
Haitians during their four years of rule in
the early 90s - their founder, Emmanuel
Constant, continues to reside protected in
the US. The former dictator they had been
trained to replace, Jean-Claude Duvalier,
himself resides in France.
In February of 2004, after years of
political wrangling groups with ties to the
Haitian junta of the early 90s begin an
armed revolt in Northern Haiti, and with
cooperation from the US military enable
a coup against the elected president.
10/2001-Present: US campaign in Afghanistan.
You Too Can Make a Desert and Call It Peace.
"Every principle needs a vanguard to
carry it forward and [to] put up with
heavy tasks and enormous sacrifices. This
vanguard constitutes the strong foundation
(al qaeda al-sulbah) for the expected
society."
Last time I checked
there were as many as 3,000
direct casualties, a number based off
press clippings collected by Marc Herold,
though others have since made similar
estimates. This number is a) probably wrong,
b) even wildly
inaccurate, as it is c) probably an
undercount. Tallies based of limited
sets of confirmed incidents give totals of
around 1500. Presumably alongside the WTC
monument for the thousands of innocents
killed on 9/11 there won't be any burdensome
mention of thousands of innocents killed in
the American attack on Afghanistan.
At the time of the attack the risks of indirect
casulaties among the estimated 1-2
milllion additional civillians
endangered because
of US actions (never mind the
circumstances of some 5 million at risk
before the campaign put at even graver risk)
were high, and conservative estimates of
indirect casualties come to around 20,000,
for obvious
enough reasons. The campaign put US
support behind equally
viscious allies, and ensured a steady
trickle of post-war casualties due to
unexploded ordinance resulting from the use
of ordnance otherwise banned by
international treaty that the
US continues to refuse to sign.
Granting the Taliban's ruthlessness, the
forces standing in line for control of
Afghanistan in their absence didn't provide
much of a mock-up for an available,
peaceful, freedom loving replacement (a
situation guaranteed by past US incubation
of 'Islamofacism' in Afghanistan). Such
proposals were not unique, as the Taliban
had previously
offered to extradite
Bin Laden before the 1998 US cruise-missile
strikes. Reasons to believe extradition was
a possibility are not implausible, it
was even reported that the ISI
supported
extradition, wishing to neutralize Bin
Laden rather than threaten the Taliban
regime.
Security concerns have been at odds with US
interests in Afghanistan since oil was
discovered in the Caspian, leading to
hesitancy in dealing with terrorist networks
left there by the US after the Soviet-Afghan
war. The US had been courting
the Taliban for a pipeline deal (as recently
as August
2nd 2001, though of course no mention
is made about oil in the official
statement), a
deal that finally got underway
immediately after the invasion. Afghanistan
may very well be otherwise resource
rich due to 20 years of war-stunted
exploration.
Threats of military force against the
Taliban had reportedly been made over the
course of such discussions because of their
unwillingness to cooperate on the pipeline
project, and prior to 9-11 plans
were in the works to topple the Taliban
regime. Such behavior is often encouraged
by US planners, and helps explain the
plans
to back the Northern Alliance (a group
of warlords with as deplorable a human
rights record as the Taliban) against the
Taliban.
"a route through Afghanistan
appears to be the best option with the
fewest technical obstacles. It is the
shortest route to the sea and has
relatively favorable terrain for a
pipeline. The route through Afghanistan is
the one that would bring Central Asian oil
closest to Asian markets and thus would be
the cheapest in terms of transporting the
oil.
--Testimony by John
J. Maresca VP, International
Relations Unocal Corporation To House
Committee on International Relations
Subcommittee on Asia And The Pacific, Feb
12, 1998
According to Mohammad Alim Razim, Afghan
minister for Mines and Industries, Unocal
will be building
the pipeline - an effort to make the
contract look more attractive - Unocal denies
any further involvement, sticking to
their 1999
withdrawal from the project. Psychic
fifth-graders aside, oil interests
were obviously a factor in US policy towards
Afghanistan and the rest of Central Asia
before the attacks, but I fail to see a
direct connection between the invasion
itself and said pipeline.
The state of Afghanistan devolved as it had
because the US shat
on
the country and flooded the country with
US-funded fanatics in the first place,
then continuing to exacerbate the country's
problems long after the Soviet-Afghan
campaign had ended (as mentioned previously
the US continued arms
sales to Afghan parties in the civil
conflict throughout the 90s). The list
of fanatic madmen brought to power by the US
included Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar - still problematic for both
the USG and Afghans, as compared to the rest
of the warlords that are problematic merely
for Afghans - who in 1994 butchered 4,000
and wounded another 21,000 residents in his
seige of Kabul. Nevermind our
Islamist education program, and gross
negligence in counter-terrorism in the 90s
and during the early
W.
Bush administration - and increasingly
the late Bush administration - such as ignored
intelligence offers by Sudan under
Clinton's watch, and the ongoing lack of
response to problems with the Pakistan's
intelligence outfit the ISI that spearheaded
the CIA program to develop a fanatic
international anti-American terrorist
network.
While counter-terrorism funding increased
from $2 billion in 1990 to $12 billion in
2000, middle-east counter-terrorism programs
in the CIA were weak and little effort was
apparently made to strengthen them
significantly [*
Atlantic Monthly, 8/01]. Niether was
airport security stepped up as often
requested [*
Village Voice, 5/16/02]. According to
the NYT (5/18/02): "The F.B.I. had been
aware for several years that Osama bin
Laden and his terrorist network were
training pilots in the United States and
elsewhere around the world". If
indeed protecting Americans from terrorism
was a major priority for the US government
one would expect at the same time that they
would have beefed up domestic security -
they didn't. Terrorism certainly wasn't
enough of a priority to divert funding from
ballistic missile programs towards
prevention: (NYT, 5/17/02) "As late as
Sept. 9, Defense Secretary Donald H.
Rumsfeld threatened a presidential veto
when the Senate proposed to divert $600
million to counterterrorism from ballistic
missile defense.". But they did
have plans to topple the Taliban, the order
for their design coinciding with failures to
schmooze the Taliban into a pipeline deal.
We would perhaps suggest that the framework
behind pre-9/11 strike plans against the
Taliban were drafted in relation to some
priority greater than counter-terrorism.
In terms of anti-terrorism a strong case
can be made that the Afghanistan campaign
has been an abject failure, even
disregarding the massive terrorism the
campaign itself involved, as is usually
required. According to senior government
officials, quoted
by
the NYT "Classified investigations
of the Qaeda threat now under way at the
F.B.I. and C.I.A. have concluded that the
war in Afghanistan failed to diminish the
threat to the United States". Thus
far attempts to gather intelligence about,
target and destroy the Al-Qaeda organization
appears
to have failed to achieve much besides
confusing the bejeezus out of US officials,
nevermind that The Evil One remains at
large.
Progress on human rights issues and
"liberation" have been slow to
inconsequential. The post-Taliban situation
for women has so far "in large measure
rendered women's participation in public
life almost impossible", according to HRW,
which is a far cry from the propaganda
efforts by the US government about bringing
the gravy train of liberty to Afghanistan.
Reports on human rights violations as of
mid-2003 are even
more devastating.
Weber, a power player in GOP
political circles who retired from Congress
in 1993, has served as chairman of the board
for the obscure but influential National
Endowment for Democracy since January 2001.
The NED, a private nonprofit agency, was
founded in the early Eighties with the
express goal of fostering democratic ideals
abroad...In all, some $877,000 in NED funds
has been distributed in Venezuela in the
past year. Most of those funds were funneled
to opposition movements by the four NED
affiliates, including the International
Republican Institute (IRI). The day after
Chavez's removal, IRI President George
Folsom--an advisor to former President
George H.W. Bush--issued a statement
praising the coup, saying, "The Venezuelan
people rose up to defend democracy in their
country." Defending it against the 60% of
the people who voted for Chavez, not once
but twice?
"It is useless to attempt to
reason a man out of what he was never
reasoned into."
--Jonathan Swift
"The thing about the Vietnam War that
troubles me as I look back is that it
was a political war. We had politicians
making military decisions."
--George W. Bush, Meet the Press, 2/8/2004
"[Saddam] has not developed any
significant capability with respect to
weapons of mass destruction. He is
unable to project conventional power
against his neighbors."
US invades Iraq officially to find
WMD and a host of other nutty conspiracy
theories that were peddled to drag America
into a war to maintain hegemony over the
region without
depending on Saudi Arabia, making it one
of America's first ass-backwards capitulations
to the demands of Al Qaeda. The first results
of the decision were to
step up the bombings of command and control
structure in mid-2002. Saddams' documented
use of chemical weapons, particularly
againt Kurdish civillians, was used repeatedly
as justification for the war: yet since the US
ended material support for Hussein after the
1991 Gulf War the government's own documents
point out that there have been no documented
uses of chemical warfare "against his own
people".
The argument on humanitarian grounds, with
possible exceptions made for ongoing
campaigns against the Marsh Arabs, falls
apart when considering three things: a) the
largely undiscussed effect a major war would
have on the population at large; b) an
unnecessary march into Baghdad and Sunni
areas where Saddam has broader support, when
the problem is solved in Kurdish areas - who
had autonomy thanks to US intervention - and
the real problem is in the Shi'ite south; c)
the lack of an ongoing campaign of genocide
that would justify such an intervention; d)
the likelihood that removing economic
sanctions while reinforcing the arms embargo
would have been sufficient to relieve the
suffering of the Iraqi masses; and e) the
well documented but undiscussed total lack
of post-war planning that would be necessary
for successful humanitarian intervention, as
well as the lack of broad international
support that is always, likewise, a
necessary component of such missions.
'Humanitarian' justification regarding
Saddam's use of torture and the police state
were rendered meaningless when compared to
US allies in the region and elsewhere -
Saudi Arabia would only be the most obvious
example, Israel, Columbia, Uzbekistan, and
Egypt all offer up similar examples of the
dedication to human rights - which the US
uses to
bypass its own laws and torture suspected
criminals: perhaps Canada should
invade the US to end its use of torture.
Regarding the Marsh Arabs specifically,
after a year of occupation many joined with
the Muqtada al-Sadr's followers and began
fighting "coallition" forces. They are now
being killed by US forces for the same
reasons they were once being killed by
Saddam's. There was no humanitarian
intervention, there was no planning for one,
and judging from the actions of those in
command, no interest in one.
The US engages in direct colonial rule over
a foreign nation for the first time since
granting Hawaii statehood in the 50s. Child
mortality rates, three months after taking
Baghdad, actually start rising under US
administration. Oil production remains below
pre-invasion levels. Electrity is extremely
unstable. Mortality rates steadily
rise, primarily due to violence, indicating
a death toll over
half a million between 2003 and 2006.
2004-2009: Somalia
- The Hard Power of Reverse Psychology
"The press must not be allowed to
make this about Ethiopia, or Ethiopia
violating the territorial integrity of
Somalia"
--State Department internal memo, quoted
in the New York Times, December
27, 2006, Section A, Page 6, Column 3.
CIA support beginning sometime around 2004 for
the Mogadishu warlords that kicked us out of
Somalia in 1994 brings together a coalition
that non-descriptly calls itself the "Alliance
for the Restoration of Peace and
Counter-Terrorism". They get their asses
kicked in the second
battle of Mogadishu by the Islamic Court
Union, support for whom across all sectors of
Somali society appears to be not a little
influenced by simple widespread opposition to
American meddling and the business community's
desire for stability.
Somalia experts seem to consider this
defeat for the US as a positive change for
Somalia, noting the horrible human rights
records of the warlords and the positive
stability and protection for business under
areas of ICU control, perhaps demonstrating
the new efficacy of reverse psychology when
America backs criminal elements in foreign
societies.
At the end of 2006 the United States backs
a full Ethiopian invasion of Somalia to push
the ICU out of power, even allowing arms
transfers from North Korea to Ethiopia,
in an apparent effort to ignite another
Islamist insurgency against occupying
powers. The intense fighting in Mogadishu
displaces hundreds of thousands.
When Ethiopia withdraws after three years
of fighting in January 2009, new Islamist
groups formed to fight an insurgency against
the invasion fill the vacuum and take the
seat of the UN-backed transitional Somali
government within
hours. The transitional parliament
expands to include 200 Islamists, and
proceeds to elect the former chairman of the
ICU, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, as
president.
Escalating CIA and US Joint Special Operations
Command (JSOC) drone attacks in Northwest
Pakistan.
2004-Present: Everywhere, Nowhere, and the
Places In Between
Originally established in 1980 as a hostage
rescue team, the Bush administration expands
the role of Joint Special Operations Command
(JSOC), under the command of General
Stanley McChrystal, to become a
clandestine hit squad, paramilitary, and
intelligence unit, operating in about 60
countries. On one of their first non-hostage
related missions, an early deployment of
JSOC's Military Liaison Elements lead to the
successful permanent neutralization of a petty
thief in Paraguay.
President Obama signed an Joint
Unconventional Warfare Task Force Execute
Order further expanding their field of
operations to 75
countries in the Pacific, South and
Central America, Central Asia, and the Near
East. While the Bush administration had
little qualms about ordering the
assassination abroad of swarthy foreigners,
Barack Obama has taken the additional step
of putting
hit orders on American citizens by
simple executive fiat, with no congressional
or judicial oversite, let alone due process.
In a peculiar disregard for tourism safety,
the State Department has yet to release a
travel advisory for Americans travelling
outside the US, who may be attacked by
flying robots at the whim of the President.
JSOC runs its
own drone program in Pakistan,
seperate from CIA
drone operations. It remains unclear unclear what
relationship they have to the ever mutating
global
system of blacksites
where the US directly engages in routine
torture as part of its intelligence
operations, rather than outsourcing the
brutality to third parties through
extraordinary rendition as had been the
tradition since the Phoenix
Program ended in 1972. While the Obama
administration ordered CIA blacksites
closed, the Pentagon's appear to remain in operation.
In addition to assassination and torture
and perhaps waging undeclared war against
foreign states - all illegal under US and
international law - JSOC operates as a
clandestine military unit, often outsourcing
operations to private contractors, and
carries out missions feigning civilian
status, or worse yet, aid worker status, a perfidy violation under
the Laws of War.
The US begins backing revolutionary and
separatist groups inside and outside Iran that
are engaged in various terrorist campaigns
against the Iranian government.
In September of 2009 President Obama signs
a directive,
the Joint Unconventional Warfare Task
Force Execute Order, granting Pentagon
brass expansive powers to carry out covert
military operations in Iran, Syria, Somalia,
Saudia Arabia, Yemen, and others.
The alleged recipients of this support
include a patchwork of islamist and
communist terrorist organizations in
neighboring states:
Funding for their separatist
causes [inside Iran] comes directly from the
CIA's classified budget but is now "no
great secret", according to one former
high-ranking CIA official in Washington who
spoke anonymously to The Sunday Telegraph.
2009: Honduras
During the Honduran
coup the US State Department delays an
official State Department determination that a
coup in fact took place for months as a run
around a law that prohibits military and
economic aid to coup regimes, and recognizes
election results that take place under a
climate of state terror.
Errata:
Present: The New Colonialism - US Military
Cities Abroad
It's not easy to assess the size
or exact value of our empire of bases.
Official records on these subjects are
misleading, although instructive. According
to the Defense Department's annual "Base
Structure Report" for fiscal year 2003,
which itemizes foreign and domestic U.S.
military real estate, the Pentagon currently
owns or rents 702 overseas bases in about
130 countries and HAS another 6,000 bases in
the United States and its territories.
Pentagon bureaucrats calculate that it would
require at least $113.2 billion to replace
just the foreign bases -- surely far too low
a figure but still larger than the gross
domestic product of most countries -- and an
estimated $591,519.8 million to replace all
of them. The military high command deploys
to our overseas bases some 253,288 uniformed
personnel, plus an equal number of
dependents and Department of Defense
civilian officials, and employs an
additional 44,446 locally hired foreigners.
The Pentagon claims that these bases contain
44,870 barracks, hangars, hospitals, and
other buildings, which it owns, and that it
leases 4,844 more.
These numbers, although staggeringly
large, do not begin to cover all the
actual bases we occupy globally. The 2003
Base Status Report fails to mention, for
instance, any garrisons in Kosovo -- even
though it is the site of the huge Camp
Bondsteel, built in 1999 and maintained
ever since by Kellogg, Brown & Root.
The Report similarly omits bases in
Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Kuwait,
Kyrgyzstan, Qatar, and Uzbekistan,
although the U.S. military has established
colossal base structures throughout the
so-called arc of instability in the
two-and-a-half years since 9/11.
For Okinawa, the southernmost island of
Japan, which has been an American military
colony for the past 58 years, the report
deceptively lists only one Marine base,
Camp Butler, when in fact Okinawa "hosts"
ten Marine Corps bases, including Marine
Corps Air Station Futenma occupying 1,186
acres in the center of that modest-sized
island's second largest city. (Manhattan's
Central Park, by contrast, is only 843
acres.) The Pentagon similarly fails to
note all of the $5-billion-worth of
military and espionage installations in
Britain, which have long been conveniently
disguised as Royal Air Force bases. If
there were an honest count, the actual
size of our military empire would probably
top 1,000 different bases in other
people's countries, but no one -- possibly
not even the Pentagon -- knows the exact
number for sure, although it has been
distinctly on the rise in recent years.
Not only by controlling
the manifolds of public/academic/media
access to government agencies but by outright
destruction of its own historical documents.
The demands of national security require that
certain agencies are not held accountable for
their actions for some finite length of time,
but a nation is only damaged by wiping out its
past.
The State Department's own historians hired
to review the declassification process have
been duly outraged by such policies. Dr.
Warrant Cohen resigned as chairman of
HADCOM
in 1989 because of distortions of the
documentary record regarding US policy
towards Iran.
The US, which may be the
last "hegemon", has taken the lead on
behalf of the agenda of transnational
elite. The World Bank estimates that by
the early 1980's, intra-firm trade within
the largest 350 transnational corporations
contributed about 40% of global trade. The
nation-state is increasingly becoming
obsolete as the unit of analysis. Though
economy and decision-making interacts, the
'independent' variable which ultimately
counts is the economic globalization.
A military history and status reports
for US military actions are provided
in detail by Global Security. The
Federation of American Scientists also has a
large body of work on arms
sales monitoring that is key to this
discussion:
U.S.-origin weapons find
their way into conflicts the world over.
The United States supplied arms or
military technology to more than 92% of
the conflicts under way in 1999. The costs
to the families and communities afflicted
by this violence is immeasurable. But to
most arms dealers, the profit accumulated
outweighs the lives lost. In the 1990's,
over 65% of world arms deliveries were
sold or given to developing nations, where
lingering conflicts or societal violence
can scare away potential investors.
It was largely the Senior Bush and then
president Clinton that catapulted the US
into domination
of the global arms market. In 1988 we
had a 25% share, by 1994 that share was over
50%, and that number has kept rising since.
I understand that this is partly due to an
overall decrease in the international arms
trade - which makes the subject indicative
of US attitudes towards internationally
cooperative policies that would contribute
in some way towards real reductions in arms.
School of
the Americas: Now the Western
Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation -
an old dog with a new name.
Among the SOA's nearly
60,000 graduates are notorious dictators
Manuel Noriega and Omar Torrijos of
Panama, Leopoldo Galtieri and Roberto
Viola of Argentina, Juan Velasco Alvarado
of Peru, Guillermo Rodriguez of Ecuador,
and Hugo Banzer Suarez of Bolivia.
Lower-level SOA graduates have
participated in human rights abuses that
include the assassination of Archbishop
Oscar Romero and the El Mozote Massacre of
900 civilians.
--Ibid.
School alumni include: 48 out
of 69 Salvadoran military members cited in
the U.N. Truth Commission.s report on El
Salvador for involvement in human rights
violations (including 19 of 27 military
members implicated in the 1989 murder of
six Jesuit priests),2 and more than 100
Colombian military officers alleged to be
responsible for human rights violations by
a 1992 report issued by several human
rights organizations.3 School graduates
have also included several Peruvian
military officers linked to the July 1992
killings of nine students and a professor
from La Cantuta University, and included
several Honduran officers linked to a
clandestine military force known as
Battalion 316 responsible for
disappearances in the early 1980s.4
Andrew Bacevich expresses clearly a
view that is increasingly encountered in
mainstream American commentary,
acknowledging for better or worse, a new
imperial role for the United States:
"..the question that Americans can no
longer afford to dodge&emdash;is not
whether the United States has become an
imperial power. The question is what sort
of empire they intend theirs to be."
[Andrew J. Bacevich, American Empire: The
Realities and Consequences of U.S.
Diplomacy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 2002)244] Bacevich ends
his book by stressing the importance of
this acknowledgement of empire, insisting
that concealing such an imperial reality
will lead to "..not just the demise of the
American empire but great danger for what
used to be known as the American
republic."
English rule in India is not bad because
it is English, but because no race has yet
appeared sufficiently strong in character to
resist the temptations which come with
irresponsible power.
There's a fine line of difference between
playing global hegemon and playing empire, but
it's an important distinction. Though the
phrase "benevolent hegemony" is absurd when
applied to a nation routinely relies on
violent force to expand or protect its
political, economic, and cultural influence,
if the USG allowed the exercise of its
dominance over other nations to diffuse into
more democratic structures it doesn't follow
that China or Russia would be able to swoop in
and dominate those nations as though the US
had disappeared. That was something of the
promise of the UN beyond it's being a tool for
inter-power management, and it's still there
if we want it, waiting for phrases like
"cooperative security" and "globalization" to
be injected with some meaning for real people.
There are always those dipsetic bores that
shrug and issue forth such fatalistic
banalities as "history is cruel", "mankind is
inhuman", or "rape is like the weather". We
should remember that history is filled with
great romances, that to be human is to love,
and that most days the weather is really quite
nice and ought not be so brutally
anthropomorphized.
the above material being my notes on
American foreign policy and relevant 20th
century history, comments, suggestions,
and the like about errors, contentions, or
affirment can be mailed to
buermann[at]flagrancy.net. All materials
linked to, quoted from, and disabused of
their appropriate context within the
context of fair use, without permission
from authors, organizations, or
appropriate government agencies, foreign
or domestic, all rights presumably
reserved by the original authors.
Original material in the present
document may be copied, distributed, and
altered as prescribed by the Open
Content License (OPL),
The history of the American
invasion of Haiti is only additional evidence
that the United States is among those Powers
in whose international dealings democracy and
freedom are mere words, and human lives
negligible in face of racial snobbery,
political chicane, and money.